557. B. Ph Lab 14 What is a syllable?

What is a syllable?

Definition
	A syllable is a unit of sound composed of
	a central peak of sonority (usually a vowel), and the consonants that cluster around this central peak.

Discussion
	Syllable structure, which is the combination of allowable segments and typical sound sequences, is language specific.

Parts
	Parts Description Optionality Onset Initial segment of a syllable Optional Rhyme Core of a syllable, consisting of a nucleus and coda (see below) Obligatory – Nucleus Central segment of a syllable Obligatory – Coda Closing segment of a syllable Optional

Example (English)
	Here is an example of the syllable structure of the English word limit:

Kinds
	Here are some kinds of syllables:
	Kind Description Example Heavy Has a branching rhyme. All syllables with a branching nucleus (long vowels) are considered heavy. Some languages treat syllables with a short vowel (nucleus followed by a consonant (coda) as heavy. CV:C, CVCC, CVC Light Has a non-branching rhyme (short vowel). Some languages treat syllables with a short vowel(nucleus) followed by a consonant (coda) as light. CV, CVC Closed Ends with a consonant coda. CVC, CVCC, VC Open Has no final consonant CV

Diagram
	Here is a diagram of a syllable:

Syllable Structure and the Distribution of
Phonemes in English Syllables

In describing the phonotactics (patterning of phonemes) of English syllables, linguists have focused on absolute restrictions concerning which phonemes may occupy which slots of the syllable. To determine whether probabilistic patterns also exist, we analyzed the distributions of phonemes in a reasonably comprehensive list of uninflected English CVC (consonant–vowel–consonant) words, some 2,001 words in all. The results showed that there is a significant connection between the vowel and the following consonant (coda), with certain vowel-coda combinations being more frequent than expected by chance. In contrast, we did not find significant associations between the initial consonant (onset) and the vowel. These findings support the idea that English CVC syllables are composed of an onset and a vowel–coda rime. Implications for lexical processing are discussed.

Linguists have often observed absolute restrictions in the patterning of phonemes in syllables. For example, it is often noted that /h/ can occur only at the start of an English syllable and that /N/ can occur only at the end. (See Tables 1 and 2 for an explanation of the phonetic symbols.) By the same token, certain combinations of phonemes occur in the language, whereas others do not. In the General American English accent, /A/ can occur before /r/ at the end of a syllable (car), but /æ/ cannot, and this rule has no exceptions. In some languages, there are many more such gaps or restrictions at the end of the syllable than at the beginning, and such asymmetry has been accepted as evidence that the syllable has a particular kind of internal structure (Goldsmith, 1990, p. 123-127). In English, however, it is not so obvious that the end of the syllable has many more restrictions than the beginning. As a result, there has been some debate as to whether there is enough imbalance in phonotactic constraints to suggest internal syllable structure.
This impasse can be broken, in our view, by abandoning the idea that only absolute, inviolable restrictions are worthy of note. We take a probabilistic approach in the present study by asking whether some consonants occur in certain positions of the syllable more or less often than expected by chance, and whether some legal combinations occur more or less often than expected by chance. For example, among the words we consider, we find that the sequence /Vf/ occurs much more often than one would expect from the frequency of /V/ and /f/ considered independently, and /æl/ occurs much less often than expected. Even though there are several words that end in /æl/, their unusually low frequency suggests a phonotactic restriction of a nonabsolute, violable kind. Broadening our purview to include restrictions of this kind gives a clearer picture of the phonotactic patterns of English. In the present study, we use statistical techniques to examine the patterns of phoneme co-occurrences in the CVC words of English --- single morphemes that consist of a vowel flanked by exactly one consonant on each side.

Relevance of Syllable Phonotactics

A statistical study of syllabic phonotactics is motivated by several considerations. On one level, we are interested in exploring the validity of quantitative approaches to language in general. Some important schools of linguistics hold that language is best described in terms of symbols and categories, and that quantitative tendencies that cannot be reduced to a system of categorical rules are merely accidents that are irrelevant to language as a systematic entity. Davis (1985), for example, rejected all arguments for internal syllable structure, on the grounds that he was able to find exceptions, however rare, to all properties that had been proposed for specific subsyllabic entities. But many other language researchers find quantitative approaches, such as connectionist models, to be very useful. One of our motivations is to show that a quantitative approach to English phonotactics can uncover the same types of patterns that have been noted as absolute rules in other languages. Researchers interested in universal properties of language might take this as evidence that statistical patterns are not necessarily accidental and deserve a closer look.
A second motivation for our study is to contribute toward research in lexical processing. Recognition and production of a word can be affected by how many other words are similar to it in pronunciation or spelling (e.g., Goldinger, Luce, & Pisoni, 1989; Grainger, 1992). The magnitude of such effects is associated with which end of the word one is considering. For example, the beginning of a word is the most salient part for identification (Cutler, 1982, p. 19). Also, word production is slower and more erratic when there are other words with a similar beginning; interference is not so pronounced when there are other words that have a similar ending (Sevald & Dell, 1994). If we were to find that phonotactic patterns in English show a tendency to constrain combinations of elements at the end of the syllable, thus contributing toward making words more similar at their ends than at their beginnings, then researchers will want to take such facts into account when exploring the relation between processing asymmetries and the structure of the English vocabulary.
Our final reason for studying syllable phonotactics is the evidence it may bring to bear on syllable structure. Linguists have adduced every possible configuration for the internal structure of syllables. For CVC syllables, the main concern is whether the vowel is grouped with the prior consonant (called the onset), with the posterior consonant (the coda), or with neither. Figure 1 illustrates those three basic theories. The leftmost tree illustrates the theory of the flat syllable, where the vowel groups with neither the onset nor the coda (Clements & Keyser, 1983; Davis, 1985; Hockett, 1955). The second tree illustrates the onset-rime theory, where the vowel groups with the coda to form a constituent called the rime (Fudge, 1969; Goldsmith, 1990; Kuryl~owicz, 1973; Selkirk, 1982). The last tree illustrates the theory of body-coda organization, where the vowel is grouped with the onset to form a constituent called the body (McCarthy, 1979, p. 455; Iverson & Wheeler, 1989). More recently, some phonologists have claimed that the components of the syllable are units of weight called moras (Hayes, 1989; Hyman, 1985). As the trees in Figure 2 illustrate, basic moric theory always has the vowel in the first mora and the coda in the second, with the complication that a long vowel is considered to be simultaneously in both moras.

Fig. 1: Flat, onset-rime, and body-coda theories of syllable structure, illustrated with the word cap.

Fig. 2: Moric theory of syllable structure, illustrated with cap (short vowel) and keep (long vowel).

Of all these theories, the onset-rime is perhaps the most widely accepted, in our opinion rightly so. Many linguistic phenomena are easily described in terms of properties of the vowel and the coda (i.e., the rime), with the onset consonant being irrelevant. These phenomena include verse metrics, word stress, and compensatory lengthening (see Halle & Vergnaud, 1982; Kuryl~owicz, 1973; and Hayes, 1989 for descriptions). It is much harder to find important processes that depend on the body to the exclusion of the coda. Rhyming traditions, language games such as Pig Latin, and speech errors often treat rimes as units but rarely treat bodies as units (e.g., MacKay, 1973; Stemberger, 1983). Furthermore, the bulk of experimental evidence favors the onset-rime theory (see Treiman & Kessler, 1995). On the other hand, Davis (1985) argued for the flat syllable; experiments with speakers of Korean suggest a body-coda organization (Derwing, Yoon, & Cho, 1993; Yoon, 1995); and Pierrehumbert and Nair (1995) claimed that moric theory can account for much of the experimental evidence. The question of internal syllable structure is not yet settled.
We believe that a statistical study of syllable phonotactics can bring light to the issue of syllable structure. Although the theoretical concept of linguistic structure is hard to pin down, many would agree that a structure is the natural domain for a constraint or process. If, for example, different types of consonants may appear before the vowel than after it, then that suggests that those are not undifferentiated consonant slots, but rather that those two elements belong to different structures. We explore this issue in Study 1. Of course, most theories put the onset and coda in different structures, but such information would argue against some versions of flat syllable theory (e.g., Clements & Keyser, 1983). Another approach is to test whether proposed constituent structures like the head or rime constitute a natural domain for phonotactic constraints. If there are many constraints against combining certain vowels with certain codas (such as the aforementioned illegal combination */ær/) but few if any against combining vowels with onsets, then that suggests that the vowel and coda form a structure, the rime. We investigate this matter in Study 2.
The idea of considering phonotactic constraints as evidence for syllable structure is not new. Fudge (1969) argued for an onset-rime structure, claiming that most or all phonotactic constraints in English involve the vowel and coda. But Clements and Keyser (1983, p. 20) favored the flat syllable, stating that ``cooccurrence restrictions holding between the nucleus [i.e., vowel] and preceding elements of the syllable appear to be just as common as cooccurrence restrictions holding between the nucleus and following elements.'' Fudge (1987) responded with extensive tables that showed that vowel-coda pairs in English have many more gaps than do onset-vowel pairs. Part of the reason that the matter remains unsettled is statistical. The problem is twofold, involving both false zeroes and false positives. Some phonemes are fairly uncommon in English, and the number of morphemes is finite, so some possible combinations may fail to exist just because they do not have a reasonable chance to occur. A count of zero co-occurrences does not mean there is a principled constraint against a sequence. On the other hand, finding a few co-occurrences does not mean that the phonemes combine freely. Some phonemes may be so common that one would expect them to appear together dozens or hundreds of times. Previous researchers were by no means naïve on these points: Clements and Keyser admitted that their claim that voiced fricatives do not appear before /U/ may be accidental, and they counted /vu/ as a circumscribed sequence even though they knew about the words voodoo and rendezvous. But statistical tests have rarely been applied. A notable exception is Randolph (1989), who used the likelihood ratio statistic to test the significance of collocational constraints within the syllable, all of which he rejected. But the statistics he reported were so remarkably low that one suspects that scaling factors threw them off by several orders of magnitude.
In this study, we explored co-occurrence patterns by examining a reasonably comprehensive list of uninflected English CVC words. We readily admit that a study of CVC words will not answer all questions about syllable structure. Some of the patterns we uncover may reflect properties of word edges rather than syllable edges; indeed, some phonologists declare that some or all word-final consonants should not even be considered part of a syllable (Kenstowicz, 1994, p. 260-261). Some patterns may have more to do with whether a consonant is prevocalic or postvocalic, or whether it precedes or follows sentence stress, than with whether it is in the onset or coda of a syllable. Despite these warnings, we believe that CVC words are an ideal place to begin study. The word list is very homogeneous: All single-coda consonants are paired with a single onset consonant, and there are no confounding factors such as extra phonemes or difference in stress or morphemic composition. Nor is there any doubt as to which syllable a consonant belongs to, which is a matter of no small controversy for English intervocalic consonants (Lass, 1984, p. 262-268). Our use of CVC words should not only make the statistical analyses more straightforward and interpretable, but should also facilitate follow-up studies. If in the future different patterns are found in other carefully constructed databases, the homogeneous nature of our database should help researchers formulate hypotheses as to what factors in the word lists account for those differences.

Study 1

In Study 1, we ask whether there are differences in the frequency of occurrence of the different consonants depending on whether they are in the onset or the coda.

Method

We analyzed the 2,001 monomorphemic CVC words found in the unabridged Random House Dictionary (Flexner, 1987). We were fervid in our zeal to eradicate polymorphemic words: A word was rejected if any part of it is used in the same sense in some other word, so that even words like this and then were omitted on the grounds that th may be a demonstrative morpheme. We omitted all words which the dictionary gave any reason to believe were not in current general use throughout America. Thus we omitted words with foreign phonemes or accented letters, foreign measures, and place and ethnic names that were not obviously Anglicized. We did include given names such as Dave.
We used the first pronunciation listed in the dictionary. The dictionary phonemes were transcribed on a unit-by-unit basis, except that /R/, which is treated as the sequence ûr by Random House (Flexner, 1987), was here treated as a vowel. As a result, words like bird were included in our list of CVCs. We did this because /R/ is a phonetically unitary sound and we wished to avoid any bias from prejudging its underlying properties. For the other vowels before /r/, which are variously treated in different accents, we followed the usage of the Dictionary in recognizing diphthongs before /r/, as well as the vowels /i/ beer, /U/ boor, /E/ (bear), /O/ (bore), and /A/ (bar). Tables 1 and 2 list the phonemes recognized in this study, and the phonetic classes to which they belong. Note that we treated diphthongs and affricates as units.
The Random House scheme distinguishes /w/ as in wine from /W/ as in whine. It also draws a distinction between the vowels /Q/ cot, /O/ caught, and /A/ khat, spa. Although these are more distinctions than are commonly made in America, we observe the full set of contrasts because they are dialectically neutral: All those vowel distinctions are made in parts of New England and throughout England. By the same token, we count /O/ as a mid round vowel even though for most Americans it is low and perhaps even unrounded.

TABLE 1 Frequency and Features of Vowels.
Vowel	Example	Frequency	Height	Backness	Tenseness
A	alms	30	low	central	tense
æ	ax	198	low	front	lax
Q	odd	128	low	back	lax
ai	ides	136	---	---	tense
Au	out	44	---	---	tense
e	ape	183	mid	front	tense
E	ebb	159	mid	front	lax
R	erg	115	mid	central	tense
i	eat	210	high	front	tense
I	if	207	high	front	lax
o	oats	146	mid	back	tense
O	ought	110	mid	back	tense
Oi	oink	25	---	---	tense
u	ooze	117	high	back	tense
U	ush	38	high	back	lax
V	up	155	mid	central	lax

TABLE 2 Frequency and Features of Consonants.
Phone	Example	Frequency	Place	Manner	Voice
b	boy	216	bilabial	interrupted	voiced
tS	chin	115	nonanterior	interrupted	unvoiced
d	dog	268	anterior	interrupted	voiced
D	this	15	anterior	fricative	voiced
f	fox	160	labiodental	fricative	unvoiced
g	girl	155	postcoronal	interrupted	voiced
h	hop	105	postcoronal	approximant	unvoiced
j	young	30	nonanterior	approximant	voiced
dZ	jump	115	nonanterior	interrupted	voiced
k	kiss	324	postcoronal	interrupted	unvoiced
l	love	365	anterior	approximant	voiced
m	maid	243	bilabial	nasal	voiced
n	new	306	anterior	nasal	voiced
N	sang	46	postcoronal	nasal	voiced
p	pad	240	bilabial	interrupted	unvoiced
r	read	287	nonanterior	approximant	voiced
s	sing	242	anterior	fricative	unvoiced
S	sheep	109	nonanterior	fricative	unvoiced
t	tongue	323	anterior	interrupted	unvoiced
T	thin	56	anterior	fricative	unvoiced
v	vase	99	labiodental	fricative	voiced
w	win	82	labial	approximant	voiced
W	whip	24	labial	approximant	unvoiced
z	zoo	71	anterior	fricative	voiced
Z	rouge	6	nonanterior	fricative	voiced

Table 2 lists the number of times each consonant occurs in the word list. Only word types were considered, unweighted by their frequency. A word type may contain two occurrences of consonants: Thus bib contributes 2 toward the count of /b/. To determine whether the frequencies are affected by syllable position, we performed for each consonant type separate two-cell goodness-of-fit tests with Pearson's χ², computing the expected frequencies under the null hypothesis that consonants would be evenly distributed between onset and coda. Because all words had exactly one onset and one coda consonant, this means that each consonant should occur half the time in an onset, and half the time in a coda. To correct for the fact that the size of the χ² statistic depends in part on the total number of times each consonant occurs, we also computed the φ coefficient of association for the contingency tables. This statistic includes the total number of consonant tokens as a divisor, and so scales from 0 to 1. In order to determine whether there is an overall association between consonant type and syllable slot across the consonantal system as a whole, we also computed the χ² statistic across all 25 consonant types. Finally, we performed a χ² decomposition by phonetic feature class to help understand effects intermediate between those of the entire table and of individual phonemes. Here we used G², the likelihood-ratio version of χ², because it is additive across decompositions. To guard against the danger of finding significant results simply because we made huge numbers of comparisons, we restricted ourselves throughout this study to only making comparisons between feature sets that are immediate children of the same node in the trees presented in Figures 3 and 4. In Study 1, we only looked at the place of articulation, contrasting two classes of phonemes only when they were immediate children of the same node in the topmost tree of Figure 3. For example, anterior coronal consonants as a group were only compared against nonanterior coronal consonants, but not against labial consonants.

Figure 3. Hierarchical organization of the three classes of consonant features. This study compares the distribution of two consonant feature classes only when they are immediate children of the same node. Table 2 lists the features of each of the consonant phonemes.

Results

Table 3 shows how often each consonant occurs in onset and coda. The table is arranged by the strength of association between consonant type and syllable position (φ). As one can see by the number of starred χ² statistics, most of the consonants appear in either the onset or the coda more often than one would expect. A χ² test for the consonantal system as a whole gives a significant result (χ²(24) = 496.52, p < .05). The strength of the association, as measured by Cramér's coefficient, is .35.

TABLE 3 Distribution of Consonants Within Onset and Coda.
Phone	Onset	Coda	χ2		φ
j	30	0	30.00	*	1.000
W	24	0	24.00	*	1.000
w	82	0	82.00	*	1.000
N	0	46	46.00	*	1.000
h	105	0	105.00	*	1.000
D	1	14	11.27	*	.867
Z	1	5	---		.667
z	13	58	28.52	*	.634
b	154	62	39.19	*	.426
T	17	39	8.64	*	.393
n	99	207	38.12	*	.353
dZ	74	41	9.47	*	.287
t	119	204	22.37	*	.263
l	135	230	24.73	*	.260
S	65	44	4.05	*	.193
f	92	68	3.60		.150
r	163	124	5.30	*	.136
g	88	67	2.85		.135
k	142	182	4.94	*	.123
v	45	54	0.82		.091
p	128	112	1.07		.067
d	126	142	0.96		.060
m	116	127	0.50		.045
s	126	116	0.41		.041
tS	56	59	0.08		.026

Note. Statistics examine the difference between the frequency of each consonant in the onset and its frequency in the coda.

*p < .05, 1 df.

In the G² decomposition, the total G² was 601.26. This value is somewhat unreliable because we had to adjust some zero cell frequencies, which are undefined for G². Our first step, therefore, was to partition off any consonants that had structural zeroes, including the glides /j/ and /w/, which cannot occur in codas because we define them to be parts of diphthongs (the vowel slot), and /Z/ and /D/, which arguably occur in the onset in only special circumstances (loan words and function words, respectively). Effects among those consonants, or between them as a group and the other consonants as a group, were each significant, and accounted for two thirds of the deviation (G² of 408.83). But when we decomposed the remaining G² by place of articulation according to the scheme of Figure 3, we found several other significant deviations having nothing to do with structural zeroes; these are summarized in Table 4. The table shows, for example, that coronal consonants prefer the coda significantly more than noncoronals. Among coronals, anterior consonants have a more marked preference for the coda than do nonanterior coronals. In contrast to Table 3, this table shows the direction of the skew within the contrast, not the absolute direction of the preference. Thus /d/ is listed as favoring the onset more than other anterior coronals, even though in absolute numbers (i.e., when compared to all other consonants) it is found in the coda somewhat more than in the onset.

TABLE 4 G2 Decomposition of Consonant Distributions By Place of Articulation, Onset vs. Coda
Contrasting	Favoring onset	Favoring coda	G2	Cramér
Consonants	noncoronal	coronal	30.06	.09
coronal	nonanterior	anterior	60.93	.16
anterior	/d, s/	/l, n, T, t, z/	47.11	.17
noncoronal	labial	velar	7.85	.07
labial	/b/	/p, m/	28.53	.20
velar	/g/	/k/	7.05	.12

Note. Omits consonants largely restricted to either onset (/h, j, w, W/) or coda (/N, D, Z/). First column shows the phonetic category within which a significant skew between onset and coda is found. The members of that category are differentiated by whether they appear more often in onset than do other members of the same category. The nonanterior consonants /dZ, S, r, tS}/ did not vary significantly among themselves.

Discussion

Our results show that there is an association between consonant type and syllable position. In the phonemic analysis used by our source dictionary, glides (/h/, /j/, /w/, /W/) can only occur in the onset and /N/ can only occur in the coda. This much is common knowledge. What is not commonly recognized is the skew that is present for several other consonants as well. In particular, /z/, /T/, /n/, /t/, /l/ and /k/ show a significant preference for the coda, and /b/, /dZ/, /S/, and /r/ show a preference for the onset. The fact that consonants as a group prefer particular syllable slots is strong enough to be significant even if one factors out the consonants for which there is an absolute, inviolable restriction as to which slot they can go in. About half of the G² among the remaining consonants can be accounted for by significant differences between contrasting places of articulation, with the strongest effect being the contrast between anterior and nonanterior coronal consonants.
Because the words in our study are all monomorphemic, the prevalence of /z/, /T/, /n/, and /t/ in codas cannot be explained by their use as inflectional or derivational endings. The fact that coronals, especially anterior coronals, appear disproportionately often in codas echoes absolute constraints found in other languages. When languages restrict codas or word endings to consonants of a particular place of articulation, anterior coronals are the least likely to be excluded. The core, native vocabulary of Spanish, for example, has many words ending in the anterior coronals /D/, /T/, /s/, /l/, /n/, and /r/, but almost no words ending in other consonants, even though such consonants are frequent at the beginning of words.

Study 2

As we pointed out earlier, one test of structural constituency is whether the items within a proposed constituent are more strongly associated with each other than they are with items outside of the structure. Put another way, items within a constituent should vary less freely with respect to each other than they do with respect to other items. Study 2 was designed to determine whether the vowel and the coda are more strongly associated with each other than are the vowel and the onset. Such a finding would suggest that the vowel and the coda form a constituent, the rime. In addition, the existence of a rime constituent would allow us to treat the distributional patterns seen in Study 1 as properties of that constituent. That approach would simplify our account by obviating the need to hypothesize that the onset or the coda, or both, are distinguished constituents in their own right.

Method

The most straightforward way of investigating association patterns between the three syllable slots would be to consider the data as a three-variable contingency table, with the levels of each variable being the different phoneme types. A first logical step would be to use log-linear models to test whether the phonemes in each slot are associated at all with the phonemes in the other slots. Unfortunately, a three-dimensional contingency table for 24 onset consonant types × 15 vowel types × 21 coda consonant types would require 7,560 cells to be populated by 2,001 observations. That would leave an undesirable number of empty cells, to say the least. Performing three-variable contingency table analyses on these data requires a collapsing into broader categories. There is, however, no obvious optimal way to group consonants or vowels into a small number of classes. We decided to classify the consonants in three different ways (by place, manner, and voice; see Table 2 and Figure 3) and the vowels in three different ways (by height, backness, and tenseness; see Table 1 and Figure 4), choosing categories a priori according to our informal judgments as to what categories tend to play the biggest role in phonological processes. For CVC words, this results in 27 different comparisons, for which we compensate by changing the critical significance level p from .05 to .001.

Figure 4. Hierarchical organization of the three classes of vowel features. This study compares the distribution of two vowel feature classes only when they are immediate children of the same node. Table 1 lists the features of each of the vowel phonemes.

When looking at the three-way interactions, we first asked which associations are significant at the p < .001 level, by looking at the standard hierarchical log-linear models. That is, we first tested for complete independence of all three slots; at the next higher level, we tested for each slot the hypothesis that it is independent of the other two slots; at the next level, we tested for each pair of slots the hypothesis that they are conditionally independent given the value of the third slot; and finally, we tested for homogeneous association. When more than one model adequately fit the data (that is, the G² was lower than the significance level for .001), we selected the model at the lowest level, unless a higher-level (i.e., more complicated) model provided a significantly better fit (i.e., the difference in G² exceeded the .001 significance level at the differential degrees of freedom).
Of course, the mere fact of association does not say anything about the degree of association. One way to assess the strength of association is to look at the percentage of total G² that a pair association can account for by itself. For each pair of slots, we computed the difference between the G² that obtains under a model that assumes that all three pairs of slots are independent, and one that assumes only that the other two pairs of slots are independent. Because we are comparing the triplets along many different features, each of which has different patterns of variation, we standardized this difference as a percentage of total G². Of primary interest are the percentages for onset-vowel and vowel-coda pairs. We computed the ratio of the vowel-coda percentage to the onset-vowel percentage and averaged that across all the feature systems for which statistically significant pairwise associations were found.
It could be that any high association that turned up in in vowel-coda pairs is due to the absolute co-occurrence restrictions that are already well known (e.g., the ban against /ær/). In order to confirm that nonabsolute restrictions point in the same direction, we ran the above tests again, this time omitting all words that end in /r/ or /N/. These are the two sounds for which all phonologists agree that there are absolute co-occurrence restrictions for preceding vowels, in that tense and lax vowels do not contrast in that environment. If the pattern of associations still holds when those 170 words are excluded, then our results cannot be explained by those absolute co-occurrence restrictions.
Although the foregoing is sufficient to test our hypothesis that vowel-coda association is much more important than onset-vowel association, we also want to describe where the interactions lie. For example, if we were to find that vowel tenseness interacts with coda voicing, it would be useful to know whether it is the tense or lax vowels that are associated with voiced codas. When one of the syllable slots varies independently of the other two, this question can be pursued with some rigor by ignoring that slot and doing a G² decomposition on the remaining two-way table. When doing so, we applied Bonferroni corrections for 9 comparisons (3 ways of collapsing each of the two slots by feature) so as to maintain a familywise significance level of .05. When none of the slots was independent, we proceeded less rigorously. With the understanding that we may be missing some indirect interactions, we decomposed two-way tables for each of the associated pairs of slots, so as to get a feel for each of the pairwise interactions. We then informally compared that to the three-way table, noting any obvious interactions. This part of the analysis is exploratory, intended to provide hypotheses that later can be tested more rigorously over a larger body of data.
Finally, we performed some two-dimensional phoneme-level analyses over each pair of slots taken independently. Although this introduces the danger of misinterpreting indirect associations, it is useful to look at a less abstract level of analysis (phonemes rather than features) to avoid losing sight of the broader picture. To take a theoretical example, results that generalize over labiodentals in general may obscure the fact that English has only two labiodental consonant types, /f/ and /v/, and that indeed they may even behave differently. So for each pair of slots, we performed a goodness-of-fit χ² on each pair of phonemes. For example, for the onset-vowel pair /lu/, we compared the number of times those two sounds occurred together (15) with the marginal totals for onset /l/ (135) and vowel /u/ (117). There being 2,001 words, one would expect them to occur together 7.89 times. Whenever the expected frequency was 5 or higher, we tested whether the difference was significant, using Pearson's χ² to compute a 2 × 2 goodness-of-fit statistic. We report which pairs occur significantly more or less often than expected by chance, and how the number of significant pairs compares to the count we would expect to see by chance at our significance level (p < .05). We also ask whether there is a significant association between each pair of slots, computed over all phonemes that appear in those slots. The usual approach would be to perform a χ² test over a large table of which one dimension would be, for example, all possible vowel phonemes, and the other dimension all possible coda consonants. Unfortunately, the tables for any of the three pairs of slots would be too sparse for one to put much faith in a standard χ² test: Vowel-coda pairs have 44% of their cells with expectation lower than 5, many of which are even lower than 1. However, one can overcome these limitations by calculating exact probabilities using a multilevel extension of Fisher's exact test, determining the distribution by random sampling of many permutations of the tables. We did so over 50,000 samples, and report the Fisher statistic and the Monte Carlo estimate of the p value. In each case, we looked for probabilities of .05 or less. We also calculated Cramér's association statistic for these tables.
We also ran all of the above tests on a subset of the dictionary that only contained words having lax vowels. Comparing those two sets of results can help to show which vowel features are responsible for what association. The lax vowel subset is also of interest because virtually all linguists agree that a word-final consonant after a short, stressed vowel is part of the syllable, rather than extrasyllabic.

Results

Table 5 shows the results of the log-linear analysis of the three syllable slots, one analysis for each of three ways of collapsing each of the three slots. The models presented in the table can be read as saying that a significant association is found between two slots when they are enclosed within the same set of square brackets. In all cases, the hypothesis of three-way association is rejected. Because of the low p threshold used for the individual tests, the finding of an association in any one comparison is sufficient for concluding the association in CVC words as a whole at p < .05. Thus the results as a whole are [OC][VC], i.e., there are associations between onset and coda and between vowel and coda, but there is insufficient evidence for assuming any direct association between onset and vowel. The patterns are the same whether we look at the entire set of words or whether we omit those that end in /r/ or /N/. On the other hand, as the rows labeled Lax show, the results change in particular cases if all the words with tense vowels and diphthongs are omitted. But even then, the overall pattern is [OC][VC].

TABLE 5 Significant Associations Between Onset, Vowel, and Coda.
Vowel-Coda	Onset
	Place	Manner or Voice
Coda place
- Vowel height	[OC][VC]	[O][VC]
-- Lax	[OC][V]	[O][V][C]
- Vowel backness	[OC][VC]	[O][VC]
-- Lax	[OC][V]	[O][V][C]
- Vowel tenseness	[OC][VC]	[O][VC]
Coda manner
- Vowel height	[O][VC]	[O][VC]
-- Lax	[O][VC]	[O][VC]
- Vowel backness	[O][V][C]	[O][V][C]
-- Lax	[O][VC]	[O][VC]
- Vowel tenseness	[O][VC]	[O][VC]
Coda voice
- Vowel height	[O][VC]	[O][VC]
-- Lax	[O][V][C]	[O][V][C]
- Vowel backness	[O][V][C]	[O][V][C]
-- Lax	[O][V][C]	[O][V][C]
- Vowel tenseness	[O][VC]	[O][VC]

Note. Table shows which log-linear models are significant at p < .001 when the phonemes in the three syllable slots are collapsed by the indicated features. [O][V][C] means that no associations are accepted; [O][VC] means that vowel and coda are associated, but onset is independent; [OC][V] means that the onset and coda are associated, but the vowel is independent; [OC][VC] means that the coda is associated with both onset and vowel, but that the latter two are conditionally independent. Rows labeled Lax tell how the preceding row changes if only words with lax vowels are included.

When we looked at the strength of the associations, we found that the percentage of G² explained by vowel-coda associations was always higher than that explained by onset-vowel associations: The ratio of the first over the second averaged 22.7 (range 1.3 to 104.8) over the 21 feature comparisons for which the null hypothesis of no pairwise association had to be rejected. When we omitted from consideration all words that end in /r/ or /N/, the average ratio of vowel-coda strength over onset-vowel was almost the same, 25.2 (range 1.6 to 119.4). The average ratio was 12.9 (range 1.9 to 54.4) when only words with lax vowels were considered.
Having verified our hypothesis that the vowel associates with the coda much more strongly than with the onset, we turn now to the more exploratory issues. One question concerns the direction of the associations in each comparison. Such directionality is easier to visualize in two dimensions than in three. Fortunately, because most comparisons show an interaction of only one pair of slots, we can in most cases collapse the tables down to a comparison between vowel and coda on the one hand, and onset and coda on the other. Whenever the log-linear analysis (Table 5) shows that a pairwise association between two syllable slots is significant when collapsing along a particular pair of features, we did a two-way G² analysis over those variables, and report the significant subtables obtained by a G² decomposition. For example, Table 5 shows that onset and coda are associated when the phonemes in both slots are collapsed by place of articulation. Table 6 shows the subtables that are significant for either the entire word set or for the words with lax vowels, when a G² decomposition is performed for onset × coda, collapsing both sets of phonemes by place. Table 7 gives analogous information for vowel-coda associations.

TABLE 6 Significant Tables in G2 Decompositions of Pairwise Onset-Coda Interactions, By Place.
Coda	Onset
	Noncoronal	Labial
Coronal	21.99	9.30
- Lax	18.56	n.s.
Velar	n.s.	9.79
- Lax	n.s.	n.s.

Note. Numbers are G²(1) values for significant 2 × 2 associations, or n.s. when decomposition is not significant at p < .05 with Bonferroni correction for 9 comparisons. Features are contrasted with their sibling features in Figure 3; e.g., Labial is contrasted with Postcoronal. Main figures are for the full word set; subrows labeled Lax exclude words with tense vowels or diphthongs.

TABLE 7 Significant Pairwise Vowel-Coda Interactions, By Phonetic Feature.
Coda	Vowel
	Tenseness	Height		Backness
	Lax	Low	High	Round	Central
Voicing
- Unvoiced	17.35	10.47	9.79	n.s.	n.s.
Manner
- Obstruent	26.24	15.17	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
-- Lax	NA	15.25	n.s.	9.04	n.s.
- Interrupted	21.53	14.59	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
-- Lax	NA	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
- Nasal	13.84	11.85	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
-- Lax	NA	14.07	n.s.	n.s.	15.37
Place
- Noncoronal	51.39	27.00	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
- Velar	15.98	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.
- Bilabial	n.s.	11.68	n.s.	14.06	n.s.
- Nonanterior	n.s.	9.72	n.s.	n.s.	n.s.

Note. Numbers are G²(1) values for significant 2 × 2 associations, or n.s. when decomposition is not significant at p < .05 with Bonferroni correction for 9 comparisons or when Table 5 indicates no significant association along the relevant dimension. Features are contrasted with their sibling features in Figures 3 and 4. Main figures are for the full word set; subrows labeled Lax exclude words with tense vowels or diphthongs. Lax/Tense contrasts are not applicable (NA) to that lax-vowel subset.

Caution is needed when collapsing consonants by place, because there are both onset-coda and vowel-coda effects. However, informal inspection of the data suggests that the interactions are not complicated. The associations between vowel height and coda place do not conflict with those between onset place and coda place, and indeed the patterns of association shown in Table 7 hold regardless of the place of the onset consonant. On the other hand, associations between onset place and coda place win out over the associations between vowel tenseness and coda place. When the onset is labial, lax vowels lose their antipathy for coronals, with the dispreference for labial codas showing up much more strongly. And when the onset is postcoronal, lax vowels reverse their normal pattern, preferring labial codas to velar ones.
Finally, we report the results of our phoneme-level analyses over each pair of syllable slots. Table 8 lists the pairs that occur significantly more or less often than expected, based on the frequencies of the individual phonemes and the assumption of no association. The percentage in the last column tells what percent of the testable pairs (i.e., those with expected frequencies of 5 or higher) the given list constitutes. That figure can be compared to the approximate figure of 5% that would be expected by chance at a significance level of .05 even if there is no association between slots.

TABLE 8 Pairs of Phonemes that Occur at Frequencies Significantly Different from Chance, p < .05.
Pair	More frequent than chance	Less frequent	Count
Onset-Vowel	lu, ru, we, fe, si, wai, nQ	rR, ki	9	(3.6%)
- Lax	gæ, dZQ	wæ	3	(3.3%)
Vowel-Coda	Or, Er, ir, Vf, Vg, en, ol, ez, Qp, æg, el, ait, Ol, up, Qt	(Ir, ær, er, Vr), æl, (or, Qr, ur, Rr), Vl, (ib, etS), os, Ql, Op, æz, Ot, Om	33	(17.7%)
- Lax	Er, Qb, Vf, Qp, Il, Qt, El, Vm, Es, IN	(Ir, ær, EN, Vr), ES, Eb, Ep, Qf, Vp, æl	20	(25.6%)
Onset-Coda	f-n, dZ-n, r-d, tS-k, n-t	l-l, r-l, p-d, r-r, h-n, r-n, b-p, f-k	13	(4.7%)
- Lax	---	---	0	(0.0%)

Note. Only pairs whose expected frequencies are 5 or more are considered. Last column tells how many pairs are here listed, and what percentage that is of all pairs that have sufficiently high expectation. Lists are in descending order of the association statistic φ. Pairs in parentheses are not found at all. Subrows labeled Lax omit from consideration all words that have tense vowels or diphthongs.

Finally, we looked at each pair of slots as a whole, and asked whether, for example, vowels and codas as a set are significantly associated at the phoneme level. The onset-vowel association was not significant (Fisher statistic 366.1, with a Monte Carlo estimate of the p value of .13), but the vowel-coda association was easily significant (Fisher statistic 855.9, with an estimated p < .0001). The onset-coda association was also significant (Fisher 521.9, p = .0067). Scaling by table size to find the associated Cramér association statistic, onset-vowel pairings and onset-coda pairings each have a value .11, but the vowel-coda statistic is .18. The comparable figures for the lax-voweled subset is .16 for onset-vowel pairs, .25 for vowel-coda pairs, and .14 for onset-coda pairs.

Discussion

The results of Study 2 demonstrate that there is a stronger connection between vowel and coda than between vowel and onset. Indeed, none of our tests showed significance for onset-vowel phoneme-level association. In contrast, every approach we took to estimating the association between vowel and coda proved significant. Similar results obtain when we compare various indices of the strength of the two associations, showing that the effect is real. It is also encouraging that the same results hold if we omit words with final /r/ and /N/, the major source of absolute co-occurrence restrictions, and that the basic relationships remain the same if we look only at words with lax vowels. Assuming that co-occurrence restrictions are functions of local structure, these results strongly suggest that vowel and coda form a constituent, the rime.
In addition, the more exploratory phase of our investigation revealed several interesting co-occurrence patterns worthy of being investigated in future studies with larger word sets. Among onset-vowel phoneme pairs, for example, the fact that /ki/ is less frequent than expected but /si/ is more frequent than expected may prove to be a real case of onset-vowel association. This statistical pattern has been noted for other languages (Maddieson & Precoda, 1992), and in general the replacement of velars by coronals before front vowels (palatalization) is absolute in many languages, including Old French, a major source of English vocabulary. Such meaningful patterning cautions us against concluding there is no association at all between onset and vowel, even though that association may not be significant at our critical level, and even though it is manifestly much weaker than the vowel-coda association.
Among onset-coda pairings, all patterns point to favoring of discords. This conclusion is very strong with respect to place of articulation. In particular, coronal onsets prefer noncoronal codas, and vice versa. We also found clear evidence for discord on the basis of manner of articulation. The list of statistically significant onset-coda phoneme pairs almost entirely shows discord in place and especially manner. Of the pairs that are more frequent than expected, only one of them (/tS-k/) fails to match obstruents with sonorants, and it at least has a place contrast. Of the pairs that are less frequent than expected, all are either two sonorants (/l-l, r-l, r-r, h-n, r-n/) or two obstruents (/p-d, b-p, f-k/), and some of these lack place contrasts as well. (For the last pair, reasons of tabu probably also contribute to its rarity.) That the manner contrasts do not turn up when we look only at words with lax vowels suggests that there may really be a three-way interaction here: Perhaps the constraint is against having both consonants be sonorant when the vowel is tense, or long, because that would make the syllable too sonorous overall. As for the discord in consonant place, similar constraints have been noted in more complex English syllables (e.g., */spip/ is impossible), and constraints against identical onset and coda consonants occur in several other languages (Davis, 1985, pp. 23-30). But only through the kind of statistical analysis carried out here can one determine that tendencies toward onset-coda dissimilarity, although violable, nevertheless show up in English CVC words. Very similar results were obtained by Berkley (1994) through statistical methods.
Vowel-coda pairs show many interesting effects, as itemized in Table 7. We can quickly pass over the sparse rightmost three columns. The association effects listed there, while real, may simply reflect a few local effects such as the lack of short central vowels before /r/, and an association of the round vowel /Q/ with the labial stops. In contrast, large effects show up repeatedly in the first two columns. However, many of those effects may reflect the fact that the phonetic features within a given slot do not co-occur in balanced numbers. For example, the voicing and manner of articulation of a coda consonant are directly associated with its coronality, and most low vowels are lax. Taking such factors into account, the tantalizing associations between tenseness and either voicing or manner, and between low vowels and voice or place, may turn out to be indirect. The most reliable associations in the table, from a causal point of view, may be those between low vowels and less sonorous codas on the one hand, and between tense vowels and coronal codas on the other. This latter finding agrees with the conclusions of Berg (1994), who performed a statistical study of VC sequences in standard British English. Both our study and Berg's show that vowels that are phonetically longer (tense vowels, including diphthongs) prefer to be associated with coda consonants that are phonetically shorter (coronals: Crystal & House, 1988). The tendency for phonetically longer vowels to pair with phonetically shorter consonants may reflect a drive toward isochrony, in Berg's terminology. In informal terms, if one has to add a consonant to an already long rime, it is best that that additional consonant be as short as possible. This is often seen on a grosser scale in other languages, where long vowels must be followed in the same syllable by fewer consonants, or indeed none at all.

General Discussion

Our statistical study of English monomorphemic CVC words sheds light on the substructure of the syllable. If we apply the oft stated criterion that co-occurrence constraints can be taken as evidence of structure, and broaden the search criteria so that we accept quantitative tendencies in addition to absolute restrictions, we find that co-occurrence constraints between vowel and coda are significant. That is, we have adduced further evidence for a rime structure. The fact that consonants have a different distribution in the coda than in the onset, quite apart from any association with the vowel (Study 1) can also be referred to the same structure: Consonants have a different distribution within the rime than outside it.
It must be acknowledged, however, that this interpretation is not definitive. It is conceivable that the vowel only associates with the last consonant of the word, not the last consonant of all syllables, or to the contrary that the vowel associates with any immediately following consonant, whether or not it belongs to the same syllable as the vowel. Studies with different word lists will be needed to tease apart these possibilities, although some research already tends to corroborate the idea that the associations are syllable-based. Berg (1994), for example, found almost exactly the same type of VC associations as we did, and his database included polysyllabic words. Randolph (1989) also used polysyllabic words, and although one must keep in mind his report that associations were not significant, it is striking that the strength of the associations he reports between vowels and consonants are two to three times larger for coda consonants than for onset consonants.
The other main caveat is that the idea of hierarchical structure in linguistics is a vaguely defined concept that can easily be overworked. We believe that a connectionist approach to language leads to a consistent and flexible view of structure. If all components of a syllable are associated by connections of varying weights, then a structure can be seen as a reification of those associations. In this sense it is meaningful to speak of an element as simultaneously being a member of many structures, which vary in strength. Although such views have been rejected by a number of linguists (e.g., Davis, 1985, p. 76), Vennemann (1988a, 1988b) advocates precisely the sort of syllable structure that Davis rejected: A syllable has a body and also a rime, and even a discontiguous shell (onset-coda structure), and different patterns of association may exist within any of these structures (see also Derwing, Dow, & Nearey, 1988). That vowel-coda patterns have significant phonotactic associations justifies talking about a rime structure. So does the bulk of other linguistic and experimental evidence. But we have also uncovered significant onset-coda associations, which may justify talking about shells.
The implications of this study to lexical processing are also obvious, though not unequivocal. If our results generalize to the vocabulary as a whole, then from the standpoint of temporal processing, the first two thirds of the syllable (onset and vowel) are largely unpredictable, that is, informative and distinctive, and the last third (the coda) is largely predictable, that is, redundant. Such asymmetries dovetail with experimental evidence showing that English language processing appears to be optimized for recognizing words from their beginnings (e.g., Cutler, 1982, p. 19), and for producing words that have distinctive beginnings (Sevald & Dell, 1994). These processing asymmetries may, at least in part, be learned adaptations to preexisting patterns in the vocabulary, patterns that may have their origin in physical facts of articulation and acoustics. Of course the opposite conclusion is also supported by these statistics: that the vocabulary itself is shaped because speakers tend to reject neologisms and sound changes that conflict with the most natural patterns of temporal processing. The data raise interesting issues that are not obvious when one looks at English phonotactics only from the standpoint of absolute rules and inviolable co-occurrence restrictions.
Finally, we believe that our results satisfy our goal of demonstrating that quantitative methods can pick up patterns that are not unfamiliar to linguists who advocate strictly categorical approaches to language. We have shown that English codas and onsets have different consonant inventories; that the selection of coda consonants depends on vowels more than the selection of onsets does; that bodies show palatalization, shells show constraints against identity, and rimes show isochrony. These patterns are very common cross-linguistically. In fact, the results suggest that languages may be more similar to each other at a statistical level than they are at a categorical level. This has important implications for the search for linguistic universals.
But one may wonder whether language users are sensitive to the patterns uncovered here. On one view, the partial constraints that we have documented are the detritus of historical inviolable rules. For instance, the statistical tendency toward rime isochrony could have resulted from rules that applied without exception at some point in the history of some of the source languages of English but that no longer apply. On this view, present-day users of English may not judge newly coined words that follow the statistical patterns as sounding more natural than words that do not. On the other hand, language users may have developed a sensitivity to the distributional characteristics of English phonemes regardless of their historical causes. Work reviewed by Kelly (1992) suggests that adults and even children show a remarkable sensitivity to subtle patterns in the language. Research that is presently being pursued (Treiman, Kessler, Knewasser, Tincoff, & Bowman, 1996) shows that speakers are indeed sensitive to the frequencies of rimes. For example, they rate nonsense words with more frequent rimes as better than those with less frequent rimes. In those experiments, stimuli were selected so as to cancel out the effects of the frequency of the individual vowel and coda, so that observed results were necessarily due to the frequency of the rime as a whole. Such findings suggest that, whatever the origins of the distributional patterns in present-day English, language users pick up these patterns.

Conclusion

We have shown that statistical techniques reveal phonotactic patterns in English that are very similar to the inviolable phonotactic restrictions that have been noted in other languages. In particular, the fact that the association between vowel and coda is so much greater than that between vowel and onset buttresses analyses that posit rimes as syllable constituents. Those unequal associations mean greater distinctiveness at the beginning of the syllable, which may be connected to findings that people produce and recognize words more efficiently the more distinctive the beginnings of those words are.
We believe that there is much to be learned from detailed statistical studies of language and that the results of such studies will have important implications for the search for language universals and for our understanding of language processing.

Syllable

A syllable is a unit of organization for a sequence of speech sounds. For example, the word water is composed of two syllables: wa and ter. A syllable is typically made up of a syllable nucleus (most often a vowel) with optional initial and final margins (typically, consonants).
Syllables are often considered the phonological "building blocks" of words. They can influence the rhythm of a language, its prosody, its poetic meter and its stress patterns.
Syllabic writing began several hundred years before the first letters. The earliest recorded syllables are on tablets written around 2800 BC in the Sumerian city of Ur. This shift from pictograms to syllables has been called "the most important advance in the history of writing".^[1]
A word that consists of a single syllable (like English dog) is called a monosyllable (and is said to be monosyllabic). Similar terms include disyllable (and disyllabic) for a word of two syllables; trisyllable (and trisyllabic) for a word of three syllables; and polysyllable (and polysyllabic), which may refer either to a word of more than three syllables or to any word of more than one syllable.

Structure

Syllable components as a directed graph

In most theories of phonology, the general structure of a syllable (σ) consists of three segments:

Onset (ω)

consonant, obligatory in some languages, optional or even restricted in others

Nucleus (ν)

sonorant, obligatory in most languages

Coda (κ)

consonant, optional in some languages, highly restricted or prohibited in others

The syllable is usually considered right-branching, i.e. nucleus and coda are grouped together as a "rime" and are only distinguished at the second level. However, in some traditional descriptions of certain languages^[specify], the syllable is considered left-branching, i.e. onset and nucleus group below a higher-level unit, called a "body" or "core":

Rime (ρ)

right branch, contrasts with onset, splits into nucleus and coda

Body or core

left branch, contrasts with coda, splits into onset and nucleus

In some theories the onset is strictly consonantal, thus necessitating another segment before the nucleus:

Initial (ι)

often termed onset, but leaving out semi-vowels

Medial (μ)

glide between initial, if any, and nucleus or rime

Final (φ)

contrasts with initial, extended rime

Although every syllable has supra-segmental features, these are usually ignored if not semantically relevant, e.g. in tonal languages.

Tone (τ)

may be carried by the syllable as a whole or by the rime

In some theories of phonology, these syllable structures are displayed as tree diagrams (similar to the trees found in some types of syntax). Not all phonologists agree that syllables have internal structure; in fact, some phonologists doubt the existence of the syllable as a theoretical entity.^[2]
The nucleus is usually the vowel in the middle of a syllable. The onset is the sound or sounds occurring before the nucleus, and the coda (literally 'tail') is the sound or sounds that follow the nucleus. They are sometimes collectively known as the shell. The term rime covers the nucleus plus coda. In the one-syllable English word cat, the nucleus is a (the sound that can be shouted or sung on its own), the onset c, the coda t, and the rime at. This syllable can be abstracted as a consonant-vowel-consonant syllable, abbreviated CVC. Languages vary greatly in the restrictions on the sounds making up the onset, nucleus and coda of a syllable, according to what is termed a language's phonotactics.

Onset[edit]

The onset is the consonant sound or sounds at the beginning of a syllable, occurring before the nucleus. Most syllables have an onset. Some languages restrict onsets to be only a single consonant, while others allow multiconsonant onsets according to various rules. For example, in English, onsets such as pr-, pl- and tr- are possible but tl- is not, and sk- is possible but ks- is not. In Greek, however, both ks- and tl- are possible onsets, while contrarily in Classical Arabic no multiconsonant onsets are allowed at all.
Some languages require all syllables to have an onset; in these languages a null onset such as in the English word "at" is not possible. This is less strange than it may appear at first, as most such languages allow syllables to begin with a phonemic glottal stop (the sound in the middle of English "uh-oh", represented in the IPA as /ʔ/). Furthermore, in English and most other languages, a word that begins with a vowel is automatically pronounced with an initial glottal stop when following a pause, whether or not a glottal stop occurs as a phoneme in the language. Consequently, few languages make a phonemic distinction between a word beginning with a vowel and a word beginning with a glottal stop followed by a vowel, since the distinction will generally only be audible following another word. (However, Hawaiian and a number of other Polynesian languages do make such a distinction; cf. Hawaiian /ahi/ "fire", /ʔahi/ "tuna".)
This means that the difference between a syllable with a null onset and one beginning with a glottal stop is often purely a difference of phonological analysis, rather than the actual pronunciation of the syllable. In some cases, the pronunciation of a (putatively) vowel-initial word when following another word – particularly, whether or not a glottal stop is inserted – indicates whether the word should be considered to have a null onset. For example, many Romance languages such as Spanish never insert such a glottal stop, while English does so only some of the time, depending on factors such as conversation speed; in both cases, this suggests that the words in question are truly vowel-initial. But there are exceptions here, too. For example, German and Arabic both require that a glottal stop be inserted between a word and a following, putatively vowel-initial word. Yet such words are said to begin with a vowel in German but a glottal stop in Arabic. The reason for this has to do with other properties of the two languages. For example, a glottal stop does not occur in other situations in German, e.g. before a consonant or at the end of word. On the other hand, in Arabic, not only does a glottal stop occur in such situations (e.g. Classical /saʔala/ "he asked", /raʔj/ "opinion", /dˤawʔ/ "light"), but it occurs in alternations that are clearly indicative of its phonemic status (cf. Classical /kaːtib/ "writer" vs. /maktuːb/ "written", /ʔaːkil/ "eater" vs. /maʔkuːl/ "eaten").
The writing system of a language may not correspond with the phonological analysis of the language in terms of its handling of (potentially) null onsets. For example, in some languages written in the Latin alphabet, an initial glottal stop is left unwritten; on the other hand, some languages written using non-Latin alphabets such as abjads and abugidas have a special zero consonant to represent a null onset. As an example, in Hangul, the alphabet of the Korean language, a null onset is represented with ㅇ at the left or top section of a grapheme, as in 역 "station", pronounced yeok, where the diphthong yeo is the nucleus and k is the coda.

Nucleus

Examples of syllable nuclei
Word	Nucleus
cat [kæt]	[æ]
bed [bɛd]	[ɛ]
ode [oʊd]	[oʊ]
beet [bit]	[i]
bite [baɪt]	[aɪ]
rain [reɪn]	[eɪ]
bitten [ˈbɪt.ən] or [ˈbɪt.n]	[ɪ] [ə] or [n]

The nucleus is usually the vowel in the middle of a syllable. Generally, every syllable requires a nucleus (sometimes called the peak), and the minimal syllable consists only of a nucleus, as in the English words "eye" or "owe". The syllable nucleus is usually a vowel, in the form of a monophthong, diphthong, or triphthong, but sometimes is a syllabic consonant. By far the most common syllabic consonants are sonorants like [l], [r], [m], [n] or [ŋ], but a few languages have so-called syllabic fricatives, also known as fricative vowels. (In the context of Chinese phonology, the related but non-synonymous term apical vowel is commonly used.) Mandarin Chinese is famous for having such sounds in at least some of its dialects, for example the pinyin syllables sī shī rī, sometimes pronounced [sź̩ ʂʐ̩́ ʐʐ̩́] respectively. A few languages, such as Nuxalk (Bella Coola), even allow stop consonants and voiceless fricatives as syllabic nuclei. However, linguists have analyzed this situation in various ways, some arguing that such syllables have no nucleus at all, and some arguing that the concept of "syllable" cannot clearly be applied at all to these languages. See the discussion below concerning syllable-less languages.

Coda[edit]

The coda comprises the consonant sounds of a syllable that follow the nucleus, which is usually a vowel. The combination of a nucleus and a coda is called a rime. Some syllables consist only of a nucleus with no coda. Some languages' phonotactics limit syllable codas to a small group of single consonants, whereas others allow any consonant phoneme or even clusters of consonants.
A coda-less syllable of the form V, CV, CCV, etc. (V = vowel, C = consonant) is called an open syllable (or free syllable), while a syllable that has a coda (VC, CVC, CVCC, etc.) is called a closed syllable (or checked syllable). Note that they have nothing to do with open and close vowels. Almost all languages allow open syllables, but some, such as Hawaiian, do not have closed syllables.
Note that when a syllable is not the last syllable in a word, the nucleus normally must be followed by two consonants in order for the syllable to be closed. This is because a single following consonant is typically considered the onset of the following syllable. For example, Spanish casar "to marry" is composed of an open syllable followed by a closed syllable (ca-sar), whereas cansar "to get tired" is composed of two closed syllables (can-sar). When a geminate (double) consonant occurs, the syllable boundary occurs in the middle, e.g. Italian panna "cream" (pan-na); cf. Italian pane "bread" (pa-ne).
Here are some English single-syllable words that have both a nucleus and a coda (i.e. closed syllables), where ν denotes "nucleus" and κ "coda":

• in: ν = /ɪ/, κ = /n/
• cup: ν = /ʌ/, κ = /p/
• tall: ν = /ɔː/, κ = /l/
• milk: ν = /ɪ/, κ = /lk/
• tints: ν = /ɪ/, κ = /nts/
• fifths: ν = /ɪ/, κ = /fθs/
• sixths: ν = /ɪ/, κ = /ksθs/
• twelfths: ν = /ɛ/, κ = /lfθs/
• strengths: ν = /ɛ/, κ = /ŋθs/

The following single-syllable words end in a nucleus and do not have a coda (i.e. open syllables):

• glue, ν = /uː/
• pie, ν = /ʌɪ/ or /aɪ/
• though, ν = /əʊ/ (UK) or /oʊ/ (US)
• boy, ν = /ɔɪ/

A list of examples of syllable codas in English is found at English phonology: Coda.

Rime[edit]

The rime or rhyme of a syllable consists of a nucleus and an optional coda. It is the part of the syllable used in poetic rhyme, and the part that is lengthened or stressed when a person elongates or stresses a word in speech.
The rime is usually the portion of a syllable from the first vowel to the end. For example, /æt/ is the rime of all of the words at, sat, and flat. However, the nucleus does not necessarily need to be a vowel in some languages. For instance, the rime of the second syllables of the words bottle and fiddle is just /l/, a liquid consonant.
"Rime" and "rhyme" are variants of the same word, but the rarer form "rime" is sometimes used to mean specifically "syllable rime" to differentiate it from the concept of poetic rhyme. This distinction is not made by some linguists and does not appear in most dictionaries.

Structure[edit]

Segmental model for cat and sing

Hierarchical model for cat and sing

The simplest model of syllable structure divides each syllable into an optional onset, an obligatory nucleus and an optional coda.
There exist, however, many arguments for a hierarchical relationship, rather than a linear one, between the syllable constituents. This hierarchical model groups the syllable nucleus and coda into an intermediate level, the rime. The hierarchical model accounts for the role that the nucleus+coda constituent plays in verse (i.e., rhyming words such as cat and bat are formed by matching both the nucleus and coda, or the entire rhyme), and for the distinction between heavy and light syllables, which plays a role in phonological processes such as, for example, sound change in Old English scipu and wordu.^[3]

Branching nucleus for pout and branching coda for pond

Just as the rime branches into the nucleus and coda, the nucleus and coda may each branch into multiple phonemes.^[4]

Examples C = consonant, V = vowel, optional components are in parentheses.
structure:	syllable =	onset	+ rhyme
C⁺V⁺C*:	C₁(C₂)V₁(V₂)(C₃)(C₄) =	C₁(C₂)	+ V₁(V₂)(C₃)(C₄)
V⁺C*:	V₁(V₂)(C₃)(C₄) =	∅	+ V₁(V₂)(C₃)(C₄)

Medial and final[edit]

In the phonology of some East Asian languages, especially Chinese, the syllable structure is expanded to include an additional, optional segment known as a medial, which is located between the onset (often termed the initial in this context) and the rime. The medial is normally a glide consonant, but reconstructions of Old Chinese generally include liquid medials (/r/ in modern reconstructions, /l/ in older versions), and many reconstructions of Middle Chinese include a medial contrast between /i/ and /j/, where the /i/ functions phonologically as a glide rather than as part of the nucleus. In addition, many reconstructions of both Old and Middle Chinese include complex medials such as /rj/, /ji/, /jw/ and /jwi/. The medial groups phonologically with the rime rather than the onset, and the combination of medial and rime is collectively known as the final.
Some linguists, especially when discussing the modern Chinese varieties, use the terms "final" and "rime/rhyme" interchangeably. In historical Chinese phonology, however, the distinction between "final" (including the medial) and "rime" (not including the medial) is important in understanding the rime dictionaries and rime tables that form the primary sources for Middle Chinese, and as a result most authors distinguish the two according to the above definition.

Tone[edit]

In most languages, the pitch or pitch contour in which a syllable is pronounced conveys shades of meaning such as emphasis or surprise, or distinguishes a statement from a question. In tonal languages, however, the pitch of a word affects the basic lexical meaning (e.g. "cat" vs. "dog") or grammatical meaning (e.g. past vs. present). In some languages, only the pitch itself (e.g. high vs. low) has this effect, while in others, especially East Asian languages such as Chinese, Thai or Vietnamese, the shape or contour (e.g. level vs. rising vs. falling) also needs to be distinguished.

Weight[edit]

Main article: Syllable weight

A heavy syllable is generally one with a branching rime, i.e. it is either a closed syllable that ends in a consonant, or a syllable with a branching nucleus, i.e. a long vowel or diphthong. The name is a metaphor, based on the nucleus or coda having lines that branch in a tree diagram.
In some languages, heavy syllables include both VV (branching nucleus) and VC (branching rime) syllables, contrasted with V, which is a light syllable. In other languages, only VV syllables are considered heavy, while both VC and V syllables are light. Some languages distinguish a third type of superheavy syllable, which consists of VVC syllables (with both a branching nucleus and rime) or VCC syllables (with a coda consisting of two or more consonants) or both.
In moraic theory, heavy syllables are said to have two moras, while light syllables are said to have one and superheavy syllables are said to have three. Japanese phonology is generally described this way.
Many languages forbid superheavy syllables, while a significant number forbid any heavy syllable. Some languages strive for consonant syllable weight; for example, in stressed, non-final syllables in Italian, short vowels co-occur with closed syllables while long vowels co-occur with open syllables, so that all such syllables are heavy (not light or superheavy).
The difference between heavy and light frequently determines which syllables receive stress – this is the case in Latin and Arabic, for example. The system of poetic meter in many classical languages, such as Classical Greek, Classical Latin,Old Tamil and Sanskrit, is based on syllable weight rather than stress (so-called quantitative rhythm or quantitative meter).

A classical definition[edit]

Guilhem Molinier, a member of the Consistori del Gay Saber, which was the first literary academy in the world and held the Floral Games to award the best troubadour with the violeta d'aur top prize, gave a definition of the syllable in his Leys d'amor (1328–1337), a book aimed at regulating the then flourishing Occitan poetry:

Sillaba votz es literals. Segon los ditz gramaticals. En un accen pronunciada. Et en un trag: d'una alenada.

A syllable is the sound of several letters, According to those called grammarians, Pronounced in one accent And uninterruptedly: in one breath.

Suprasegmentals[edit]

The domain of suprasegmental features is the syllable and not a specific sound, that is to say, they affect all the segments of a syllable:

• Stress
• Tone
• Stød

Sometimes syllable length is also counted as a suprasegmental feature; for example, in some Germanic languages, long vowels may only exist with short consonants and vice versa. However, syllables can be analyzed as compositions of long and short phonemes, as in Finnish and Japanese, where consonant gemination and vowel length are independent.

Phonotactic constraints[edit]

Phonotactic rules determine which sounds are allowed or disallowed in each part of the syllable. English allows very complicated syllables; syllables may begin with up to three consonants (as in string or splash), and occasionally end with as many as four (as in prompts). Many other languages are much more restricted; Japanese, for example, only allows /ɴ/ and a chroneme in a coda, and theoretically has no consonant clusters at all, as the onset is composed of at most one consonant.^[5]
There are languages that forbid empty onsets, such as Hebrew and Arabic (the names transliterated as "Israel", "Abraham", "Abel", "Omar", "Abdullah", "Iraq" and "Iran", among many others, actually begin with semiconsonantic glides or with glottal or pharyngeal consonants: yisrāʔēl, ʔaḅrāhām, heḅel, ʕumar, ʕabduḷḷāh, ʕirāq, ʔīrān in proper transcription). Conversely, some analyses of the Arrernte language of central Australia posit that no onsets are permitted at all in that language, all syllables being underlyingly of the shape VC(C).^[6]

Notation[edit]

The International Phonetic Alphabet provides the period as the symbol for marking syllable breaks. In practice, however, IPA transcription is typically divided into words by spaces, and often these spaces are also understood to be syllable breaks. When a word space comes in the middle of a syllable (that is, when a syllable spans words), a tie bar can be used for liaison.^[7]

Syllabification[edit]

Syllabification is the separation of a word into syllables, whether spoken or written. In most languages, the actually spoken syllables are the basis of syllabification in writing too. Due to the very weak correspondence between sounds and letters in the spelling of modern English, for example, written syllabification in English has to be based mostly on etymological i.e. morphological instead of phonetic principles. English "written" syllables therefore do not correspond to the actually spoken syllables of the living language.
Syllabification may also refer to the process of a consonant becoming a syllable nucleus.

Syllable division and ambisyllabicity[edit]

Most commonly, a single consonant between vowels is grouped with the following syllable (i.e. /CV.CV/), while two consonants between vowels are split between syllables (i.e. /CVC.CV/). In some languages, however, such as Old Church Slavonic, any group of consonants that can occur at the beginning of a word is grouped with the following syllable; hence, a word such as pazdva would be syllabified /pa.zdva/. (This allows the phonotactics of the language to be defined as requiring open syllables.) Contrarily, in some languages, any group of consonants that can occur at the end of a word is grouped with the following syllable.
In English, it has been disputed whether certain consonants occurring between vowels (especially following a stressed syllable and preceding an unstressed syllable) should be grouped with the preceding or following syllable. For example, a word such as better is sometimes analyzed as /ˈbɛt.ər/ and sometimes /ˈbɛ.tər/. Some linguists have in fact asserted that such words are "ambisyllabic", with the consonant shared between the preceding and following syllables. However, Wells (2002)^[8] argues that this is not a useful analysis, and that English syllabification is simply /ˈCVC(C).V/.
In English, consonants have been analyzed as acting simultaneously as the coda of one syllable and the onset of the following syllable, as in 'bellow' bel-low, a phenomenon known as ambisyllabicity. It is argued that words such as arrow /ˈæroʊ/ can't be divided into separately pronounceable syllables: neither /æ/ nor /ær/ is a possible independent syllable, and likewise with the other short vowels /ɛ ɪ ɒ ʌ ʊ/. However, Wells (1990) argues against ambisyllabicity in English, positing that consonants and consonant clusters are codas when after a stressed syllable followed by an unstressed syllable, or after a full vowel and followed by a reduced syllable, and are onsets in other contexts. (See English phonology#Phonotactics.)

Stress[edit]

Syllable structure often interacts with stress. In Latin, for example, stress is regularly determined by syllable weight, a syllable counting as heavy if it has at least one of the following:

• a long vowel in its nucleus
• a diphthong in its nucleus
• one or more coda(e)

In each case the syllable is considered to have two moras.

Vowel tenseness[edit]

In most Germanic languages, lax vowels can occur only in closed syllables. Therefore, these vowels are also called checked vowels, as opposed to the tense vowels that are called free vowels because they can occur even in open syllables.

Nucleus-less syllables[edit]

The notion of syllable is challenged by languages that allow long strings of consonants without any intervening vowel or sonorant. Even in English there are a few para-verbal utterances that have no vowels; for example, shh (meaning "be quiet") and psst (a sound used to attract attention).
Languages of the Northwest coast of North America, including Salishan and Wakashan languages, are famous for this.

Nuxálk (Bella Coola)

[ɬχʷtɬtsxʷ] 'you spat on me'

[tsʼktskʷtsʼ] 'he arrived'

[xɬpʼχʷɬtɬpɬɬs] 'he had in his possession a bunchberry plant'^[9]

[sxs] 'seal blubber'

In Bagemihl's survey of previous analyses, he finds that the word [tsʼktskʷtsʼ] would have been parsed into 0, 2, 3, 5, or 6 syllables depending which analysis is used. One analysis would consider all vowel and consonants segments as syllable nuclei, another would consider only a small subset (fricatives or sibilants) as nuclei candidates, and another would simply deny the existence of syllables completely.
This type of phenomenon has also been reported in Berber languages (such as Indlawn Tashlhiyt Berber), Moroccan Arabic (apparently under Berber influence), Mon–Khmer languages (such as Semai, Temiar, Kammu) and Ōgami (a Miyako Ryukyuan language).^[10]

Indlawn Tashlhiyt Berber

[tftktst tfktstt] 'you sprained it and then gave it'

[rkkm] 'rot' (imperf.)^[11]

Semai

[kckmrʔɛːc] 'short, fat arms'^[12]

Syllable Structure in English
Contents of this page:
Syllables and their parts - Liquids and nasals as syllable nuclei - Summary of the elements of a phonological system

Syllables and their parts
Words can be cut up into units called syllables. Humans seem to need syllables as a way of segmenting the stream of speech and giving it a rhythm of strong and weak beats, as we hear in music. Syllables don't serve any meaning-signalling function in language; they exist only to make speech easier for the brain to process. A word contains at least one syllable.
Most speakers of English have no trouble dividing a word up into its component syllables. Sometimes how a particular word is divided might vary from one individual to another, but a division is always easy and always possible. Here are some words divided into their component syllables (a period is used to mark the end of a syllable):
tomato = to.ma.to
window = win.dow
supercalifragilisticexpialidocious:  su.per.ca.li.fra.gi.lis.ti.cex.pi.a.li.do.cious (some people might put some of the periods in different places in this word).
Syllables have internal structure: they can be divided into parts. The parts are onset and rhyme; within the rhyme we find the nucleus and coda. Not all syllables have all parts; the smallest possible syllable contains a nucleus only. A syllable may or may not have an onset and a coda.
Onset: the beginning sounds of the syllable; the ones preceding the nucleus. These are always consonants in English. The nucleus is  a vowel in most cases, although the consonants [ r ], [ l ], [ m ], [ n ], and the velar nasal (the 'ng' sound) can also be the nucleus of a syllable. In the following words, the onset is in bold; the rest underlined.
read
flop
strap
If a word contains more than one syllable, each syllable will have the usual syllable parts:
win.dow
to.ma.to
pre.pos.te.rous
fun.da.men.tal
Rhyme (or rime): the rest of the syllable, after the onset (the underlined portions of the words above). The rhyme can also be divided up:
Rhyme = nucleus + coda
The nucleus, as the term suggests, is the core or essential part of a syllable. A nucleus must be present in order for a syllable to be present. Syllable nuclei are most often highly 'sonorant' or resonant sounds, that can be relatively loud and carry a clear pitch level. In English and most other languages, most syllable nuclei are vowels. In English, in certain cases, the liquids [ l r ] and nasals [ m n ] and the velar nasal usually spelled 'ng' can also be syllable nuclei.
 
The syllable structure analysis of the words 'read', 'flop',  'strap' and 'window' are as follows (IPA symbols are used to show the sounds in the word/syllable):
read = one syllable
Onset = [ r ]
Rhyme = [ id ]      (within the rhyme:)
     Nucleus = [ i ]
     Coda   = [ d ]
flop = one syllable / Onset = [ f l ] / Rhyme  = [ a p ]  /     Nucleus  =  [ a ] /     Coda  =  [ p ]
window = 2 syllables
First syllable:  [wIn]
Onset  = [ w ]
Rhyme  = [ I n ]
    Nucleus = [ I ]
    Coda  = [ n ]
Second syllable: [ d o ]
Onset = [ d ]
Rhyme = [ o ]
    Nucleus = [ o ]
(This syllable has no coda)
Linguists often use tree diagrams to illustrate syllable structure. 'Flop', for example, would look like this (the word appears in IPA symbols, not English spelling). 's' = 'syllable'; 'O' = 'onset'; 'R' = 'rhyme'; 'N' = 'nucleus'; 'C' = 'coda'.  (The tree may not come out well-aligned on your screen, because your computer may show this page in a different font). The syllable node at the top of the tree branches into Onset and Rhyme; the Onset node branches because it contains two consonants, [ f ] and [ l ]. The Rhyme node branches because this syllable has both a nucleus and a coda.
           s
        /     \
      O     R
      / \    /  \
     |   |   N C
     |   |    |    |
  [ f   l    a  p ]

Liquids and nasals as syllable nuclei
The English liquids [ r  l ] and the nasals [ m  n ] can be the nuclei of syllables under certain conditions. [ r ] can be a nucleus as easily as a vowel, in any position: the words 'bird', 'word', 'her', 'fur', the first syllable of 'perceive' and 'surname' and the final syllables of 'mother', 'actor' (in casual pronunciation) all have [ r ] as the nucleus; in other words, there is no vowel in the pronunciation of these syllables, even though they have one in the spelling.
[ l ] and the nasals [ m n ] become syllable nuclei when they follow an alveolar consonant in the last syllable of a word. This happens in the relaxed or casual rather than very formal articulation of the word. Compare casual vs. formal pronunciations of 'button', 'bottle', 'bottom'.
When one of these sounds is a syllable nucleus, this is shown in transcription by putting a very short vertical line under the IPA symbol
[ r  l  m  n ].
  '   '   '    '

(If the vertical lines don't line up under the symbols on your screen, it is due to webpage transfer complications.)
A word with a syllabic [ r ] as nucleus is 'bird':


Summary of the elements of a phonological system
The phonological system of a language includes various units plus patterns which are used to combine theunits into larger units. The units of a phonological system are:

• features: aspects or characteristics of a speech sound that arise from the way the sound is articulated or the way it sounds to the ear. 'Voicing' is a feature that varies according to whether or not the vocal cords vibrate during the articulation of a sound; the sound [ s ] is voiceless, but the sound [ z ] is voiced, for example. Other features include 'manner', or what sort of gesture or position is used to make a consonant sound (a 'stop' involves blocking the airstream completely for a fraction of a second, as for [ p ], while a 'fricative' involves creating a narrow opening through which air escapes, as for [ f ]. There are also suprasegmental features, which are 'overlaid' on syllables or words. One such feature is stress, known outside linguistics as 'where the accent is in a word'. In 'potato', the stress falls on the second syllable; in 'promise' on the first.
• segments: a segment is a speech sound such as [ m ] or [ i ]. Speech sounds are made by putting several features together. [ m ], for example, is created by vibrating the vocal cords (feature: voiced), closing the mouth at the lips (feature: bilabial), and lowering the soft palate so that air can escape through the nose (feature: nasal). These three gestures occur simultaneously. The result is a voiced bilabial nasal, [ m ]. Thus, segments are units that are built up from features; features are the building blocks for segments.
• syllables: a syllable is a rhythmic unit of speech. Syllables exist to make the speech stream easier for the human mind to process. A syllable comprises one or more segments; segments are the building blocks for syllables. Details on the syllable are found below.
• words: words are made of syllables.

The patterns or rule systems of a phonological system include:

• phonotactics, also known as sequence constraints. These are restrictions on the number and type of segments that can combine to form syllables and words; they vary greatly from one language to another. In English, for example, a word may begin with up to three consonants, but no more than three. If a word does begin with three consonants, the first will always be [ s ], the second must be chosen from among the voiceless stops [ p  t  k  ] and the third from among the liquids [ l  r ] or glides  [  w  y  ]. Thus we get words such as 'squeeze' [ s k w i z ] in English, but not words such as [ p s t a p ].
• phonological processes, including coarticulation processes, are modifications of the feature structure of a sound that occur for one of two reasons: to make sounds that are near each other more alike, thus make articulation easier (assimilation), or to make sounds more different from each other (for instance, aspiration makes voiceless stops such as [  p  ] and [  k  ] more different from voiced ones such as [  b  ] and [  g  ].

·         Ling 103

·         Transcription of English

·         Syllable Structure

·         General American English Consonants and Glides

·         labial coronal dorsal laryngeal

·         voiceless stop p t k

·         voiced stop b d g

·         voiceless affricate č = ʧ

·         voiced affricate ǰ = ʤ

·         voiceless fricative f θ, s, š = ʃ

·         voiced fricative v ., z, ž = ʒ

·         liquid sonorant l r

·         nasal sonorant m n ŋ

·         glide sonorant w y = j h

·         Stops, fricatives and affricates together form the class of obstruents,

·         the segments in which the flow of air is obstructed enough to cause a

·         rise in air pressure inside the oral cavity. The liquids, nasals and

·         glides (and, technically also vowels) form the class of sonorants:

·         segments in which air pressure inside and outside the mouth are

·         about the same (air is flowing freely).

·         In English, all sonorants are voiced (vocal cords vibrate during the

·         production of the segment). Obstruents can be voiced or voiceless.

·         Segments where air flows out of the mouth in a constant stream are

·         continuants. Vowels, glides and liquids are continuants. All other

·         sounds are noncontinuants (including nasals, where air flows out of

·         the nose).

·         General American English vowels

·         front central/back

·         high tense i u

·         high lax ɪ ʊ

·         mid tense eɪ ɝ oʊ

·         mid lax ɛ ʌ ə ɔ

·         low æ ɑ

·         diphthongs eɪ ɔɪ ɔʊ

·         ɑɪ aʊ

·         The underlined vowels are rounded.

·         To indicate that a syllable has primary stress we write / ˈ / before it.

·         To indicate that a syllable has secondary stress we write /ˌ / before it.

·         Stress indications on monosyllabic words are often omitted.

·         Examples

·         /pit/ peat /nɔ/ gnaw

·         /kjub/ cube /wɪθ/ with

·         /dɪg/ dig /jɑrd/ yard

·         /ʧeɪs/ chase /sɔrd/ sword

·         /ʤoʊv/ Jove /wɝd/ word

·         /θɪŋ/ thing /θaɪ/ thigh

·         /foʊn/ phone /.aɪ/ thy

·         /.oʊz/ those /.aʊ/ thou

·         /lɛd/ led /paʊns/ pounce

·         /ræp/ rap /hɔɪst/ hoist

·         /mɑm/ mom /pɝˈtɝb/ perturb

·         /hʌb/ hub /ˈtɝnɝ/ turner

·         /ˈkænədə/ Canada /pʊt/ put

·         /bəˈnænə/ banana /pʌt/ putt

·         /ˈpænəˌmɔ/ Panama /kɔɪl/ coil

·         /ˈmɛʒɝ/ measure /ˈʃɑwɝ/ shower

·         Notes on Consonant and Glides

·         The letter c in English spelling represents either the segment /k/ as in

·         /keɪk/ cake or the segment /s/ as in /peɪs/ pace, or, in ch, the segment

·         /ʧ/ as in /ʧeɪs/ chase. Do not transcribe /c/ — this symbol represents a

·         sound which does not occur in English!

·         The letters th in English spelling represent either /θ/ as in thing /θɪŋ/

·         or /./ as in those /.oʊz/.

·         The letters ng in English spelling represent the segment /ŋ/ as in

·         /bæŋ/ bang and sometimes the combination of segments /ŋg/ as in

·         /fɪŋgɝ/ finger.

·         Notes on Vowels

·         Conventional terms such as ‘long E’ or ‘long I’ do not reflect modern

·         pronunciations in English but those of pre-Modern English. English

·         has undergone a vowel shift which has alterted the pronunication of

·         nearly all the vowels, so that spelling reflects older pronunciations.

·         Conventional Phonological Example

·         (Spelling) Representation

·         Description

·         ‘long’ I ɑɪ bɑɪt bite

·         ‘long’ E i bit beat

·         ‘long’ A eɪ beɪt bait

·         ‘long’ U u or ju mjuzɪk music

·         tun tune

·         ‘long’ O oʊ boʊn bone

·         ‘short’ I ɪ čɪp chip

·         ‘short’ E ɛ dɛt debt

·         ‘short’ A æ sæk sack

·         ‘short’ U ʊ or ʌ dʌk duck

·         ‘short’ O ɑ or ɔ mɑk mock

·         sɔŋ song

·         Note: Some speakers, mostly from west of the Mississippi and from

·         Canada, do not distinguish /ɑ/ and /ɔ/.

·         In many instances the vowel /ə/ and the vowel /ʌ/ have nearly identical

·         qualities. It is customary to write /ʌ/ only for stressed vowels and /ə/

·         only for stressless vowels:

·         /ˈrʌʃə/ Russia

·         /kəˈnʌndrəm/ conundrum

·         Vowels before /r/

·         Standard American English has only a few vowels which can occur

·         before /r/:

·         Sequence Example

·         /ɑr/ /bɑr/ bar

·         /ɔr/ /bɔr/ bore

·         Some vowels simply can never occur before /r/ in most dialects of

·         American English (some dialects allow these sequences only if the

·         vowel and the /r/ are in separate syllables):

·         *ɪr, *ɛr, *ær, *ʊr, *ur, *or, *ʌr

·         A non-low lax vowel (except /ɔ/) followed by /r/ in the same syllable

·         (and, in some dialects, regardless of the syllable boundary), is usually

·         converted to an r-colored (‘rhotacized’) schwa which is transcribed

·         /ɝ/. One can think of this as the ‘syllabic’ version of a consonantal /r/

·         — the form that the segment /r/ takes when it functions as the nucleus

·         of a syllable:

·         /fɝ/ fir, fur, Fer(dinand)

·         Syllables and Syllabification

·         Syllable structure

·         Every segment of speech has a particular value of sonority, the

·         relative amount of acoustic energy which will exit the mouth (or nose)

·         when the articulators are configured to produce that segment.

·         Although we can measure acoustic energy physically, languages

·         classify segments into groups based on their sonority, rather than

·         making use of particular measured physical quantities.

·         Sonority Scale (abbreviated)

·         obstruents << sonorant consonants << glides << vowels

·         OBSTRUENTS: consonant sounds in which air flow is either:

·         a. completely stopped /t d p b k g ʧ ʤ/

·         or

·         b. impeded enough to create friction noise /f v s z θ . ʃ ʒ/

·         SONORANT CONSONANTS:

·         Consonants in which air flows freely (without friction)

·         a. out of the mouth: /l r h/

·         b. out of the nose: /m n ŋ/

·         HIGH VOWELS/GLIDES: sounds in which the body of the tongue is

·         raised in the mouth, but air is passing freely across: [j i w u]

·         NONHIGH VOWELS: sounds with the greatest sonority: air flows freely

·         out of the mouth: [a e o u æ ɛ ɔ ɑ ə ʌ]

·         Meanings of the phonetic symbols

·         vowels non-vowels (glides and consonants)

·         [ɑ] hot [t d p b k f v s l r h m n w] all have

·         [eɪ] wade their ‘expected’ value (the usual one

·         [oʊ] boat in spelling)

·         [ɝ] bird

·         [æ] bat [č] = [ʧ] church

·         [ɛ] bet [ǰ] = [ʤ] judge

·         [ɔr] bore [θ] thaw

·         [ɔɪ] boy [.] though

·         [ɔ] haughty [š] = [ʃ] show

·         [ə] banana [ž] = [ʒ] pleasure

·         [ɪ] bit [ŋ] hang

·         [ʊ] put [y] = [j] yard

·         [aʊ] how

·         [ɑɪ] high

·         [ʌ] hut

·         Where two symbols are shown as equivalent the one on the left is in

·         the American transcription system and the one of the right is in the

·         International Phonetics Association (or IPA) transcription system.

·         Each syllable consists of a single peak or maximum of sonority as

·         shown in a sonority cline:

·         ▉ ▉ ▉ non-high vowel

·         ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ high vowel or glide

·         ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ sonorant consonant

·         ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ ▉ obstruent

·         s ə n ɔ r ə t i

·         sonority there are as many syllables as peaks

·         Internal Structure of the Syllable

·         • Each syllable consists of three parts:

·         a. ONSET: segments preceding sonority peak

·         b. NUCLEUS: segments in the soronity peak

·         c. CODA: segments following the sonority peak

·         • The nucleus & the coda together are called the RHYME (or RIME)

·         /ˈpɑrtrəʤ/ partridge

·         ó ó

·         eh eh

·         Onset Rhyme Onset Rhyme

·         | 2 2 2

·         | Nuc Coda | | Nuc Coda

·         | | | | | | |

·         p ɑ r t r ə ʤ

·         /ˈskʌlpɝ/ sculpture

·         ó ó

·         eh 2

·         Onset Rhyme Onset Rhyme

·         2 2 | |

·         | | Nuc Coda | Nuc

·         | | | 2 | |

·         s k ʌ l p ʧ ɝ

·         A syllable which has a coda is called closed.

·         A syllable which has no coda is called open.

·         A syllable which has no onset is called onsetless.

·         If a constituent contains more than one segment it is called complex.

·         Basic Syllabification Rules

·         1. Nucleus Rule.

·         Assign nucleus to each sonority peak.

·         2. Onset Rule.

·         Adjoin an unsyllabified segment to a following nucleus if any.

·         3. Complex Onset Rule.

·         Adjoin an unsyllabified segment a to following onset segment b,

·         provided that a is less sonorous than b. Continue doing this with

·         as many segments as possible.

·         Note: English has a special rule which allows /s/ to be adjoined to a

·         following /p t k f/ even though there is no rise in sonority. Spanish

·         does not have this exception.

·         4. Coda Rule.

·         Adjoin an unsyllabified segment to a preceding nucleus, if any.

·         5. Complex Coda Rule.

·         Adjoin an unsyllabified segment a to a preceding coda segment b,

·         provided that a is less sonorous than b. Continue doing this with

·         as many segments as possible.

·         p ɑ r t r ə ʤ s k ʌ l p ʧ ɝ start

·         p{ɑ}r t r{ə} ʤ s k{ʌ} l p ʧ{ɝ} nuclei

·         {p ɑ}r t{r ə} ʤ s{k ʌ} l p {ʧ ɝ} onsets

·         {p ɑ}r {t r ə} ʤ {s k ʌ} l p {ʧ ɝ} complex onsets

·         {p ɑ r}{t r ə ʤ} {s k ʌ l}p {ʧ ɝ} codas

·         {p ɑ r}{t r ə ʤ} {s k ʌ l p}{ʧ ɝ} complex codas

·         Ambisyllabicity

·         There is some evidence that in English stressed syllables which do not

·         have codas (i.e. are ‘open’ syllables) will ‘attract’ a following onset

·         segment into them in order to obtain a coda.

·         This rule is called Right Capture because the stressed syllable

·         ‘captures’ a segment on its right to obtain a coda.

·         As a result of Right Capture, some segments end up being (or seeming

·         to be) in two syllables at once. English speakers will often have

·         differing judgments about the location of segments in such cases.

·         Syllabification rules apply:

·         * *

·         σ σ σ σ σ

·         | / | \ / | / | / | \

·         æ b r ə k ə d æ b r ə

·         ábracadábra

·         Right Capture Rule

·         * *

·         σ σ σ σ σ

·         | \ / | \ / | / | \ / | \

·         æ b r ə k ə d æ b r ə

14 - What is a syllable?

Liquids and nasals as syllable nuclei

The English liquids [ r  l ] and the nasals [ m  n ] can be the nuclei of syllables under certain conditions. [ r ] can be a nucleus as easily as a vowel, in any position: the words 'bird', 'word', 'her', 'fur', the first syllable of 'perceive' and 'surname' and the final syllables of 'mother', 'actor' (in casual pronunciation) all have [ r ] as the nucleus; in other words, there is no vowel in the pronunciation of these syllables, even though they have one in the spelling.

[ l ] and the nasals [ m n ] become syllable nuclei when they follow an alveolar consonant in the last syllable of a word. This happens in the relaxed or casual rather than very formal articulation of the word. Compare casual vs. formal pronunciations of 'button', 'bottle', 'bottom'.

When one of these sounds is a syllable nucleus, this is shown in transcription by putting a very short vertical line under the IPA symbol
[ r  l  m  n ].
  '   '   '    '

(If the vertical lines don't line up under the symbols on your screen, it is due to webpage transfer complications.)

A word with a syllabic [ r ] as nucleus is 'bird':

Definition
	A syllable is a unit of sound composed of
	a central peak of sonority (usually a vowel), and the consonants that cluster around this central peak.

Discussion
	Syllable structure, which is the combination of allowable segments and typical sound sequences, is language specific.

Parts
	Parts Description Optionality Onset Initial segment of a syllable Optional Rhyme Core of a syllable, consisting of a nucleus and coda (see below) Obligatory – Nucleus Central segment of a syllable Obligatory – Coda Closing segment of a syllable Optional

Example (English)
	Here is an example of the syllable structure of the English word limit:

Study 1

In Study 1, we ask whether there are differences in the frequency of occurrence of the different consonants depending on whether they are in the onset or the coda.

Study 2

As we pointed out earlier, one test of structural constituency is whether the items within a proposed constituent are more strongly associated with each other than they are with items outside of the structure. Put another way, items within a constituent should vary less freely with respect to each other than they do with respect to other items. Study 2 was designed to determine whether the vowel and the coda are more strongly associated with each other than are the vowel and the onset. Such a finding would suggest that the vowel and the coda form a constituent, the rime. In addition, the existence of a rime constituent would allow us to treat the distributional patterns seen in Study 1 as properties of that constituent. That approach would simplify our account by obviating the need to hypothesize that the onset or the coda, or both, are distinguished constituents in their own right.

Fig. 1: Flat, onset-rime, and body-coda theories of syllable structure, illustrated with the word cap.

Fig. 2: Moric theory of syllable structure, illustrated with cap (short vowel) and keep (long vowel).