45. Intonation (linguistics)
INTONATION
When we speak, the pitch of our voice keeps on rising and falling
according to the usage of a sentence. Some parts of our sentences are spoken at
a high pitch, while others are spoken at a low pitch. This up and down way of
speaking, or rise and fall of pitch in voice,
is called intonation. It can also
be said as variation. While doing so, the vocal chords slacken or tighten.
Intonation is significant variation in pitch from one part of an
utterance to another. Stress and Intonation are linked phenomena. They work
together to give the effect of prominence of accent. Accented syllables can be
said with level pitch, high or low or with a change in pitch. The pitch creates
the differences in meaning.
In pronouncing a sentence, intonation is very important. Just a change or
pitch can change the meaning.
Intonation
is of three types:
1. Rising
intonation
2. Falling
intonation
3. Rising
and falling intonation.
4. Falling
and rising
1] The rising intonation:-
It generally
takes place when we want to assert some point or give command or order or in a
quesiton.
a. The
girl has gone. [doubt] d. Do you want
to go?
b. That
is not what I mean. [protest] e. what is your name?
c. You
have returned back. [surprise] f.
I went to see hium.
2] The Falling Intonation:-
It occurs
when we have courtesy and politeness for some one or regretting and feeling sad
and expressing sorrow.
1. Alas! She is not alive.
2. I am very sorry.
3] The Rising and Falling Intonation:-
While counting numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
While telling names of items book, pen, orange, apple, bag
Excitement Ravi is a great player.
So
intonation brings a rhythmic flow in the language and become musical. It plays
an important role in the language speech.
4] Falling and Rising.
1. She was ‘upset. [but did not
cry]
2. I ‘saw him.
SIGNS
OF INTONATIONS
A syllable
on which a pitch change takes place is usually marked with one of the following
signs.
1. [ ] high
to low – high fall
2. [ ] mid
to very low – low fall
3. [ ] very
low to very high – high rise
4. [ ] low
to mid – low rise
5. [ ] mid
to low and rises – fall rise
6. [ ] low
to mid and falls – rise fall
These symbols show
how a pitch varies.
Static tone :- pitch level does
not change.
Kinetic tone
:- pitch changes.
II
In
linguistics, intonation is variation of
spoken pitch that is not used to distinguish words;
instead it is used for a range of functions such as indicating the attitudes
and emotions of the speaker, signalling the difference between statements and
questions, and between different types of question, focusing attention on
important elements of the spoken message and also helping to regulate
conversational interaction.
It
contrasts with tone, in which pitch variation in some
languages does distinguish words, either lexically or grammatically.
Although
intonation is primarily a matter of pitch variation, it is important to be
aware that functions attributed to intonation such as the expression of
attitudes and emotions, or highlighting aspects of grammatical structure,
almost always involve concomitant variation in other prosodic features. Crystal for example says that
"...intonation is not a single system of contours and levels, but the
product of the interaction of features from different prosodic systems – tone,
pitch-range, loudness, rhythmicality and tempo in
particular."
Transcription of intonation
Most
transcription conventions have been devised for describing one particular
accent or language, and the specific conventions therefore need to be explained
in the context of what is being described. However, for general purposes the International
Phonetic Alphabet offers
the two intonation marks shown in the box at the head of this article. Global
rising and falling intonation are marked with a diagonal arrow rising
left-to-right [↗] and falling left-to-right [↘], respectively. These may be written as part of a syllable,
or separated with a space when they have a broader scope:
He found it on the
street?
[ hiː ˈfaʊnd ɪt
| ɒn
ðə
↗ˈˈstɹiːt ‖ ]
Here
the rising pitch on street indicates that the question hinges on that
word, on where he found it, not whether he found it.
Yes, he found it on the
street.
[↘ˈjɛs ‖ hi ˈfaʊnd
ɪt
| ɒn
ðə
↘ˈstɹiːt ‖ ]
How did you ever escape?
[↗ˈˈhaʊ dɪdjuː | ˈɛvɚ | ə↘ˈˈskeɪp ‖ ]
Here,
as is common with wh- questions, there is a rising intonation on the
question word, and a falling intonation at the end of the question.
In
many descriptions of English, the following intonation patterns are
distinguished:
- Rising Intonation means the pitch of the voice rises over time [↗];
- Falling Intonation means that the pitch falls with time [↘];
- Dipping or Fall-rise Intonation falls and then rises [↘↗];
- Peaking or Rise-fall Intonation rises and then falls [↗↘].
Functions of Intonation
All
vocal
languages use pitch
pragmatically in intonation — for instance for emphasis, to convey surprise or irony,
or to pose a question. Tonal languages such as Chinese and Hausa use intonation in addition to using pitch for
distinguishing words.
Many
writers have attempted to produce a list of distinct functions of intonation.
Perhaps the longest was that of W.R.Lee who proposed ten. J.C. Wells and
E.Couper-Kuhlen) both put forward six functions. Wells's list is given below;
the examples are not his:
- attitudinal function (for expressing emotions and attitudes)
example: a fall from a high
pitch on the 'mor' syllable of "good morning" suggests more
excitement than a fall from a low pitch
- grammatical function (to identify grammatical structure)
example: it is claimed that in
English a falling pitch movement is associated with statements, but a rising
pitch turns a statement into a yes–no question,
as in He's going ↗home?.
This use of intonation is more typical of American English than of British. It
is claimed that some languages, like Chickasaw
and Kalaallisut,
have the opposite pattern from English: rising for statements and falling with
questions.
- focusing (to show what information in the utterance is new and what is already known)
example: in English I saw a ↘man
in the garden answers "Whom did you see?" or
"What happened?", while I ↘saw
a man in the garden answers "Did you hear a
man in the garden?"
- discourse function (to show how clauses and sentences go together in spoken discourse)
example: subordinate clauses
often have lower pitch, faster tempo and narrower pitch range than their main
clause, as in the case of the material in brackets in "The Red Planet [as
it's known] is fourth from the sun"
- psychological function (to organize speech into units that are easy to perceive, memorize and perform)
example: the utterance
"You can have it in red blue green yellow or ↘black" is more
difficult to understand and remember than the same utterance divided into tone
units as in "You can have it in ↗red | ↗blue | ↗green | ↗yellow | or ↘black"
- indexical function (to act as a marker of personal or social identity)
example: group membership can
be indicated by the use of intonation patterns adopted specifically by that
group, such as street vendors or preachers. The so-called high rising terminal,
where a statement ends with a high rising pitch movement, is said to be typical
of younger speakers of English, and possibly to be more widely found among
young female speakers.
It
is not known whether such a list would apply to other languages without
alteration.
Intonation in English
The
description of English intonation has developed along different lines in the
USA and in Europe.
1. American approaches to English intonation
The
dominant framework used for American English from the 1940s to the 1990s was based on
the idea of pitch phonemes, or tonemes.
In the work of Trager and Smith[7] there are four contrastive levels of
pitch:
low
(1),
middle
(2),
high
(3), and
very
high (4).
(Unfortunately,
the important work of Kenneth Pike on the same subject had the four pitch levels labelled in
the opposite way, with (1) being high and (4) being low).
- Normal conversation is usually at middle or high pitch; low pitch occurs at the end of utterances other than yes–no questions, while high pitch occurs at the end of yes–no questions. Very high pitch is for strong emotion or emphasis. Pitch can indicate attitude: for example, Great uttered in isolation can indicate weak emotion (with pitch starting medium and dropping to low), enthusiasm (with pitch starting very high and ending low), or sarcasm (with pitch starting and remaining low).
- Declarative sentences show a 2–3–1 pitch pattern. If the last syllable is prominent the final decline in pitch is a glide. For example, in This is fun, this is is at pitch 2, and fun starts at level 3 and glides down to level 1. But if the last prominent syllable is not the last syllable of the utterance, the pitch fall-off is a step. For example, in That can be frustrating, That can be has pitch 2, frus- has level 3, and both syllables of -trating have pitch 1. Wh-questions work the same way, as in Who (2) will (2) help (3↘1)? and Who (2) did (3) it (1)?. But if something is left unsaid, the final pitch level 1 is replaced by pitch 2. Thus in John's (2) sick (3↘2) ..., with the speaker indicating more to come, John's has pitch 2 while sick starts at pitch 3 and drops only to pitch 2.
- Yes–no questions with a 2↗3 intonation pattern usually have subject-verb inversion, as in Have (2) you (2) got (2) a (2) minute (3, 3)? (Here a 2↗4 contour would show more emotion, while a 1↗2 contour would show uncertainly.) Another example is Has (2) the (2) plane (3) left (3) already (3, 3, 3)?, which, depending on the word to be emphasized, could move the location of the rise, as in Has (2) the (2) plane (2) left (3) already (3, 3, 3)? or Has (2) the (2) plane (2) left (2) already (2, 3, 3)? And for example the latter question could also be framed without subject-verb inversion but with the same pitch contour: The (2) plane (2) has (2) left (2) already (2, 3, 3)?
- Tag questions with declarative intent at the end of a declarative statement follow a 3↘1 contour rather than a rising contour, since they are not actually intended as yes–no questions, as in We (2) should (2) visit (3, 1) him (1), shouldn't (3, 1) we (1)? But tag questions exhibiting uncertainty, which are interrogatory in nature, have the usual 2↗3 contour, as in We (2) should (2) visit (3, 1) him (1), shouldn't (3, 3) we (3)?
- Questions with or can be ambiguous in English writing with regard to whether they are either-or questions or yes–no questions. But intonation in speech eliminates the ambiguity. For example, Would (2) you (2) like (2) juice (3) or (2) soda (3, 1)? emphasizes juice and soda separately and equally, and ends with a decline in pitch, thus indicating that this is not a yes–no question but rather a choice question equivalent to Which would you like: juice or soda? In contrast, Would (2) you (2) like (2) juice (3) or (3) soda (3, 3)? has yes–no intonation and thus is equivalent to Would you like something to drink (such as juice or soda)?
Thus
the two basic sentence pitch contours are rising-falling and rising. However,
other within-sentence rises and falls result from the placement of prominence
on the stressed syllables of certain words.
Note
that for declaratives or wh-questions with a final decline, the decline is
located as a step-down to the syllable after the last prominently stressed
syllable, or as a down-glide on the last syllable itself if it is prominently
stressed. But for final rising pitch on yes–no questions, the rise always
occurs as an upward step to the last stressed syllable, and the high (3) pitch
is retained through the rest of the sentence.
A
more recent approach to the analysis of intonation grew out of the research of Janet
Pierrehumbert and
developed into the system most widely known by the name of ToBI.
The approach is sometimes referred to as Autosegmental. The most important points of this
system are the following:
·
Only two tones, associated with pitch accents,
are recognised, these being H (high) and L (low); all other tonal contours are
made up of combinations of H, L and some other modifying elements.
·
In addition to the two tones mentioned above,
the phonological system includes "break indices" used to mark the
boundaries between prosodic elements. Breaks may be of different levels.
·
Tones are linked to stressed syllables: an
asterisk is used to indicate a tone that must be aligned with a stressed
syllable.
·
In addition, there are phrasal accents which
signal the pitch at the end of an intermediate phrase (e.g. ̄H, ̄L) and boundary tones at full phrase
boundaries (e.g. H% and L%).
·
A full ToBI transcription includes not only the
above phonological elements, but also the acoustic signal on which the
transcription is based. The ToBI system is intended to be used in
computer-based transcription.
A
simplified example of a ToBI transcription can be given. In this example, two
phrases "we looked at the sky" and "and saw the clouds" are
combined into one larger intonational phrase; there is a rise on
"sky" and a fall on "clouds".
L* L*H- H* H*
L-L%
we looked at the sky and saw
the clouds
2. British analyses of English intonation
British
descriptions of English intonation can be traced back to the 16th century.
Early in the 20th century the dominant approach in the description of English
and French intonation was based on a small number of basic "tunes"
associated with intonation units: in a typical description, Tune 1 is falling,
with final fall, while Tune 2 has a final rise. Phoneticians such as H.E.
Palmer broke up the intonation of such units into smaller components, the most
important of which was the nucleus, which corresponds to the main
accented syllable of the intonation unit, usually in the last lexical word of
the intonation unit. Each nucleus carries one of a small number of nuclear
tones, usually including fall, rise, fall-rise, rise-fall, and possibly others.
The nucleus may be preceded by a head containing stressed syllables
preceding the nucleus, and a tail consisting of syllables following the
nucleus within the tone unit. Unstressed syllables preceding the head (if
present) or nucleus (if there is no head) constitute a pre-head. This
approach was further developed by Halliday
and by O'Connor and Arnold, though with considerable variation in
terminology. This "Standard British" treatment of intonation in its
present-day form is explained in detail by Wells and in a simplified version by Roach.
Halliday saw the functions of intonation as depending on choices in three main
variables: Tonality (division of speech into intonation units), Tonicity
(the placement of the tonic syllable or nucleus) and Tone (choice of nuclear
tone); these terms (sometimes referred to as "the three T's") have
been used more recently.
Research
by Crystal emphasized the importance of making generalizations about intonation
based on authentic, unscripted speech, and the roles played by prosodic
features such as tempo, pitch range, loudness and rhythmicality in
communicative functions usually attributed to intonation.
The
transcription of intonation in such approaches is normally incorporated into
the line of text. A typical example would be:
We ˌlooked
at the ↗sky
| and ˈsaw
the ↘clouds
in
this example, the | mark indicates a division between intonation units.
An
influential development in British studies of intonation has been Discourse
Intonation, an offshoot of Discourse
Analysis first put
forward by David Brazil. This approach lays great emphasis on the communicative
and informational use of intonation, pointing out its use for distinguishing
between presenting new information and referring to old, shared information, as
well as signalling the relative status of participants in a conversation (e.g
teacher-pupil, or doctor-patient) and helping to regulate conversational turn-taking. The description of intonation in this
approach owes much to Halliday. Intonation is analysed purely in terms of pitch
movements and "key" and makes little reference to the other prosodic
features usually thought to play a part in conversational interaction.
Detail
Continuation pattern
The
most distinctive feature of French intonation is the continuation pattern.
While many languages, such as English and Spanish, place stress on a particular syllable of each word,
and while many speakers of languages such as English may accompany this stress
with a rising intonation, French has neither stress nor distinctive intonation
on a given syllable. Instead, on the final syllable of every "rhythm
group" except the last one in a sentence, there is placed a rising pitch.
For example (note that as before the pitch change arrows ↘ and ↗ apply to the syllable immediately
following the arrow):
- Hier ↗soir, il m'a off↗ert une ciga↘rette. (The English equivalent would be "Last eve↗ning, he offered ↗me a cigar↘ette.")
- Le lendemain ma↗tin, après avoir changé le pansement du ma↗lade, l'infir↗mier est ren↗tré chez ↘lui.
Adjectives
are in the same rhythm group as their noun. Each item in a list forms its own
rhythm group:
- Chez le frui↗tier on trouve des ↗pommes, des o↗ranges, des ba↗nanes, des ↗fraises et des abri↘cots.
Side
comments inserted into the middle of a sentence form their own rhythm group:
- La grande ↗guerre, si j'ai une bonne mé↗moire, a duré quatre ↘ans.
Finality pattern
As
can be seen in the example sentences above, a sharp fall in pitch is placed on
the last syllable of a declarative statement. The preceding syllables of the
final rhythm group are at a relatively high pitch.
Yes/no pattern
It
is most common in informal speech to indicate a yes/no question with a sharply rising
pitch alone, without any change or rearrangement of words. For example[26]:p.65
- Il est ↗riche?
A
form found in both spoken and written French is the Est-ce que ...
("Is it that ...") construction, in which the spoken question can end
in either a rising or a falling pitch:
- Est-ce qu'il est ↗riche? OR Est-ce qu'il est ↘riche?
The
most formal form for a yes/no question, which is also found in both spoken and
written French, inverts the order of the subject and verb. In this case too the
spoken question can end in either a rising or a falling pitch:
- Est-il ↗riche? OR Est-il ↘riche?
Sometimes
yes/no questions begin with a topic phrase, specifying the focus of the utterance.
In this case the initial topic phrase follows the intonation pattern of a
declarative sentence, and the rest of the question follows the usual yes/no
question pattern:[26]:p.78
- Et cette pho↘to, tu l'as ↗prise?
Information question pattern
Information
questions begin with a question word such as qui, pourquoi, combien,,
etc., often referred to in linguistics as wh-words because most of them start with those
letters in English. The question word may be followed in French by est-ce
que (as in English "(where) is it that ...") or est-ce qui,
or by inversion of the subject-verb order (as in "where goes he?").
The sentence starts at a relatively high pitch which falls away rapidly after
the question word, or its first syllable in case of a pollysyllabic question
word. There may be a small increase in pitch on the final syllable of the
question. For example:[26]:p.88
- ↗Où ↘part-il ? OR ↗Où ↘part-↗il ?
- ↗Où ↘est-ce qu'il part ? OR ↗Où ↘est-ce qu'il ↗part ? OR Où ↗est-ce qu'il ↗part ?
- ↗Com↘bien ça vaut ? OR ↗Com↘bien ça ↗vaut ?
In
both cases, the question both begins and ends at higher pitches than does a
declarative sentence.
In
informal speech, the question word is sometimes put at the end of the sentence.
In this case, the question ends at a high pitch, often with a slight rise on
the high final syllable. The question may also start at a slightly higher
pitch:[26]:p.90
- Il part ↗où? OR ↗Il ↘part ↗où?
Comparative studies of intonation
Cruttenden
points out the extreme difficulty of making meaningful comparisons among the intonation
systems of different languages, the difficulty being compounded by the lack of
an agreed descriptive framework.
Falling
intonation is said to be used at the end of questions in some languages,
including Hawaiian, Fijian, and Samoan and in Greenlandic. It is also used in Hawaiian
Creole English,
presumably derived from Hawaiian. Rises are common on statements in urban Belfast; falls on most questions have been said
to be typical of urban Leeds speech.
An
ESRC-funded project (E. Grabe, B. Post and F. Nolan) to study the intonation of
nine urban accents of British English in five different speaking styles has
resulted in the IViE Corpus and a purpose-built transcription system. The
corpus and notation system can be downloaded from the project's website.
Following on this work is a paper explaining that the dialects of British and
Irish English vary substantially.
A
project to bring together descriptions of the intonation of twenty different
languages, ideally using a unified descriptive framework (INTSINT), resulted in
a book published in 1998 by D. Hirst and A. Di Cristo. The languages described
are American English, British English, German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Spanish,
European Portuguese, Brazilian Portuguese, French, Italian, Romanian, Russian,
Bulgarian, Greek, Finnish, Hungarian, Western Arabic (Moroccan), Japanese,
Thai, Vietnamese and Beijing Chinese. Regrettably, a number of contributing
authors did not use the INTSINT system but preferred to use their own system.
Disorders of intonation
Those
with congenital amusia show impaired ability to discriminate,
identify and imitate the intonation of the final words in sentences.
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